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https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-13327201/Autistic-mother-killed-baby-adoption-inquest.html

Autistic first-time mother, 22, killed herself hours after learning her six-month-old baby might be put up for adoption, inquest hears

    Fern Foster died on July 8, 2020, after learning that her baby might be adopted
    The inquest concluded that local authority failings contributed to her death
    For confidential support, call Samaritans on 116 123, visit samaritans.org or visit https://www.thecalmzone.net/get-support

By Lettice Bromovsky

Published: 10:39, 19 April 2024 | Updated: 13:34, 19 April 2024

An autistic mother took her own life hours after being told her six-month-old baby might be put up for adoption, an inquest has found.  Fern Foster, 22, died on July 8, 2020, after an email sent to her partner by his solicitor outlined the news that their child might be adopted.  Fern's baby had gone into foster care almost a month after she was born, in January 2020, after the support Fern's family believe she was entitled to was not put into place.  The inquest which concluded yesterday found that a lack of an independent advocate on a regular, consistent and continuous basis contributed to Fern's decision to take her own life.  The court heard that Fern, from Monks Risborough, Bucks, was diagnosed with autism at 15 and struggled to get the support she needed, often using self-harm as a way of communicating her distress.  Fern found out she was pregnant on 25 July 2019 and shortly after, Buckinghamshire Children's Services became involved.  The court heard that Fern, who aspired to become an English teacher, was delighted when she found out she was pregnant, and the news changed her outlook on life.  While she was pregnant, and up to the point of her child being taken from her, she did not engage in any self-harming or other behaviour that would put her or her baby at risk.  It heard how Fern had described the process that ultimately led to her child being taken out of her care as a 'runaway train'.  Senior Coroner for Buckinghamshire Crispin Butler gave a narrative conclusion, recording the cause of death as suicide.  He added that the lack of an independent advocate and the way in which news indicating the adoption of Fern's child was communicated to her was contributing more than minimally to her decision to end her own life.  The court heard how Fern needed help at a much earlier stage from an independent advocate who could help her understand and engage with professionals.  This was the single largest reasonable adjustment that could have been made to support Fern's needs.  Fern had previously indicated intentions of taking her own life were her child adopted, and the court heard that the manner in which plans indicating adoption were communicated to her was a key trigger for Fern's actions.  No communication plan had been put in place and Fern became aware of the news via an email sent to her partner by his solicitor.  Fern's family describe her as bright, kind, caring and conscientious and someone who left a lasting impression with everyone she met.  Fern's sister Rowan said: 'We are pleased that the lack of advocacy provided in Fern's care, and the inappropriate delivery of the proposed care plan for adoption that the local authority had submitted, have been recognised as the causes of Fern's death.  Mothers who face their children being removed should be supported, especially autistic mothers, as autistic women have a 13 times higher risk of death by suicide.  It is tragic that there was never a clear plan to support Fern to be a mother, nor to protect her safety when she was told that would not be possible.  These essential requirements were repeatedly ignored, inevitably pushing Fern to breaking point. This was no way to treat a vulnerable, disabled, first time mum.  We believe that the lack of understanding and acceptance of autism in women and girls significantly contributed to the poor care that Fern received.  She was diagnosed late, repeatedly labelled with a personality disorder that she did not have, and the stigma around this led to her being harmed.  Fern was open about her suicidality, yet she was not taken seriously.  The misdiagnosis of personality disorders must end, as must the punitive and dangerous culture of care which comes alongside them.  Finally, we feel that the right of autistic parents to access the support they deserve is not adequately protected in policy or law. It is imperative that this changes and that autistic parents are protected in future.'

Caleb Bawdon, a Leigh Day solicitor who represented the family said: 'Fern's family welcome the coroner's conclusion which acknowledges that she was badly let down before her death.  It is approaching four years since Fern's death but her family have been clear from the very start about the difference that access to independent advocacy would have made to the outcome. 
'It is a testament to the strength and courage of her family during this time that the coroner has now agreed with them, and they are grateful for the care and consideration he took in conducting his investigation.'

2
Coming home to Self: The Adopted Child Grows Up - Nancy Verrier

Coming Home to Self is a book about becoming aware. It is written for all members of the adoption adoptees, birth parents, and adoptive parents as well as those who are in relationship with them, including professionals. It explains the influence imprinted upon the nuerological system and, thus, on future functioning. It explains how false beliefs create fear and perpetuate being ruled by the wounded child. It is a book which will help adoptees discover their authentic selves after living without seeing themselves reflected back all their lives.

3
Adoption - Books, Theatre and Films / Dear Son / Moving On
« on: March 31, 2024, 02:13:22 PM »
https://www.amazon.co.uk/Dear-Son-Moving-Philippa-Hope-Hornsey/dp/1326243519

Dear Son / Moving On
by Philippa Hope-Hornsey (Author)

My life as a daughter, sister, wife, mother and an adoption survivor. When I was 19 years old I was forced to surrender my son. It broke my heart and I became severely depressed which included self harming and being suicidal over the years. In 2004 I found my son who had been searching for me and had found my family in 1999. I had fallen out with my family in 1999 but from 2001 (we had moved) I let my parents know where my husband and I were but they chose not to tell my son. Life has been a rollercoaster but reunion hasn't made up for the lost years and the pain is always with me.

4
Adoption - Books, Theatre and Films / Philomena ? review
« on: March 31, 2024, 02:07:56 PM »
https://www.theguardian.com/film/2013/oct/31/philomena-review

Philomena ? review

Judi Dench is effortlessly moving as an Irish woman seeking to learn about the fate of her baby boy and Steve Coogan, playing the journalist who helps her, has found a new direction

Philomena is something yearned for and lusted after by film-makers and journalists alike a really good story. It's a powerful and heartfelt drama, based on a real case, with a sledgehammer emotional punch and a stellar performance from Judi Dench, along with an intelligently judged supporting contribution from Steve Coogan. Yet the film's apparent simplicity and force come to us flavoured with subtle nuances and subtexts, left there by the people who brought this story to the public.

At its centre is a tough-minded, elderly Irish woman, Philomena Lee (Dench), and her battle to find out what happened to the baby boy taken away from her in the 1950s. As a teenage unmarried mother, she had been forced to put up her child for adoption, while working in one of the Irish Republic's penitential Magdalene laundries, which survived until the 1980s. These cottage industries of shame and self-hate were run by nuns and priests who had a nasty secret of their own: they discreetly accepted substantial sums of money from America's childless Catholic couples. It was a baby-farm business model that ran on cruelty and hypocrisy. Peter Mullan's 2002 film The Magdalene Sisters was a memorably fierce denunciation.

But the film is also about a former media apparatchik's personal need for a redemptive act of goodness after being mired in the shabby and inglorious world of political spin. And at a level below that, the film could also be about a comedian and actor working through his own strong feelings about what he feels to be two malign institutions: the Church and Fleet Street.

Coogan is the producer and co-writer of Philomena, and he plays Martin Sixsmith, the former BBC correspondent turned New Labour political adviser who, in 2002, was ousted from his job in an unedifying row over smear allegations and a leaked email. (The film is adapted from Sixsmith's own book.) Unhappily returning to work as a freelance journalist, he chances across the extraordinary story of Philomena, played by Dench with such effortless poise, serio-comic charm and heart-tugging potency. Sixsmith takes Philomena to America on a mission to track down her lost son.

Such a savvy operator as Sixsmith must surely have been aware of the case of Labour frontbencher Clare Short, who in 1996 was sensationally reunited with the son she had given away 31 years earlier: a well-publicised good news story for New Labour in opposition. That is not mentioned here. This movie puts party politics to one side to concentrate on what Coogan's Sixsmith is shown initially deriding as a "human interest" story: mid-market newspaper slush. Yet he takes it on and they make the oddest of couples. Martin is the high flyer who has risen in the amoral worlds of politics and the media. Philomena is the working-class woman who holds on to one clear moral fact: what the church did to her was wrong, but she doesn't want revenge, only the truth.

The story of Philomena's teenage self she is played as a young woman by Sophie Kennedy Clark is gruelling. We are used to Dickensian images of destitute old married couples in the 19th century being separated for ever at the doors of the English workhouses: for men and for women. There's similar agony and lump-in-the-throat desolation in seeing the teenage mums having their babies taken away from them. And all of it sanctified in the name of Mary Magdalene, who received from Christ a compassion that is nowhere visible now.

What Sixsmith and Philomena discover in the US is gripping. Dench shows how Philomena is scared, but has reserves of humour and courage that Sixsmith, for all his sophistication, can't match. There is a touch of Crocodile Dundee in Philomena's wide-eyed presence in the big city, of course, but it is great stuff from Dench.

Coogan's performance is more opaque. To some extent, his Sixsmith can never overtly seek redemption, since he never concedes he did anything wrong. But quite aside from this consideration, Coogan keeps everything pretty low key, even his anger, though there is one Partridgean moment as he savours the fruited bread the nuns give him for tea. Coogan is an excellent actor, but rarely has the chance to show it. With great restraint, he doesn't really give himself the opportunity here, leaving the dramatic and moral focus with Dench. Director Stephen Frears guides this arrangement with a sure hand.

Coogan has spoken publicly of his atheism and Catholic background. But what is really interesting is how his character adopts, and even embraces, the tactics of popular journalism. In pursuit of an interview, his Sixsmith literally shoves his foot in the door. But this kind of "human interest" journalism does real good: it gets at the truth and gives people closure, justifications of which the public has grown suspicious. Could it be that Coogan, the great accuser and challenger of the press, is conducting a creative thought-experiment?

Turning the journalists into the good guys?

At any rate, the result is a moving and exhilarating film, and the strange chemistry between Dench and Coogan ferments into a 120-degree proof emotional drama.

5
https://www.judiciary.uk/speech-by-sir-andrew-mcfarlane-adapting-adoption-to-the-modern-world/#:~:text=Secondly%2C%20to%20suggest%20that%20there,their%20birth%20family%20after%20adoption.

November 10, 2023

Speech by Sir Andrew McFarlane: Adapting Adoption to the Modern World

The Mayflower Lecture 2023

Adapting Adoption to the Modern World

Thursday 9 November 2023

It is a true honour to be giving this year?s Mayflower lecture. I am most grateful to the Plymouth Law Society for their kind invitation, and to the City of Plymouth and to the University of Plymouth who also co-hosts of tonight?s event.

The focus of my address is upon the adoption of children. In giving it, I am conscious that I am speaking to a number of audiences in addition to those of you who have been kind enough to gather this evening. Although many of you are lawyers, and what I say may be read by a good number of Family lawyers, I also hope that my words may be of interest to the wider public. With that in mind, I will take some time in setting out matters of history and context to assist ?new readers?, as it were, without, I hope, boring those for whom that information may be well known.

What follows is not a conventional ?law lecture?, and you will find only passing reference to case law within it. My purpose is twofold. Firstly, to raise public awareness of the fact that the Family Court is regularly making orders which will have a profound impact throughout their lives on those who are adopted and their families. Secondly, to suggest that there is a pressing need for courts and those who advise them in these matters to modernise the approach that is taken to supporting a young, adopted person by enhancing the degree to which they may maintain some form of relationship with their birth family after adoption.

It is the case that adoption, and the issue of contact on which I will focus, have been the subject of a number of recently published reports to which I will make appropriate reference in what follows.

The thought that the wider public may be interested in how the law and the courts currently approach issues of adoption is not an idle one. It is common place for the Press or media to carry stories of celebrities and others who were adopted long ago and who are now speaking out about their experience. Many of you will be familiar with TV programmes such as ?Long Lost Family?, in which researchers trace blood relatives, often decades after the event, and reunite brothers, sisters and other family members of individuals who were adopted in infancy. Not infrequently the adopted person will not even know if they have a brother or a sister until they are told of them, on camera, and shown a photograph. It is plainly ?good telly?, and the show has already run for 13 series. I suspect that, in part, it hooks the viewer because, on one level, it seems incredible that someone can live a long life, yet have no awareness of, let alone contact with, their mother or father or other close blood relatives.

In another, grimmer, context, there is clear public interest in the practices of the, now infamous, ?Magdalene Laundries? or ?Magdalene Asylums? active in Ireland from the 18th to the late 20th century. Although predominantly run by the Roman Catholic church, these institutions were operated by both protestant and catholic churches in both the north and south of Ireland. The laundries have recently been depicted in an award winning novel ? ?Small Things Like These? ? by Claire Keegan and a TV drama ?The Woman in the Wall?. In all it is thought that some 30,000 ?fallen women? were confined in Magdalene Laundries. Reasons for admission were broadly spread and were by no means confined to young women who had become pregnant out of wedlock. Once contained in a laundry, a woman might stay there for life. If she gave birth, her children went on to be adopted, as depicted in the book and film, ?Philomena?, by journalist Martin Sixsmith. It is a striking fact that it was only in 1996 that the last Magdalene Laundry closed.

In 2013, following the report of a government inquiry, the Taoiseach issued a formal apology for the hurt done to every woman who had spent time in a Magdalene Laundry.

My reason for taking time in a lecture about adoption in England and Wales, to tell you about these shocking, but historic, practices in a different country is that, whilst of a wholly different order to Ireland, the treatment of young women here who became pregnant out of wedlock in the middle of the 20th century is also deeply shameful.

In 2022, the Joint Committee of the Commons and Lords on Human Rights published a report on ?The Violation of Family Life: Adoption of Children of Unmarried Women 1949?1976? [JCHR]. It makes for grim reading. Its contents are important. It describes practices which provide a context in which it is possible to understand how the stories covered in Long Lost Family began.

The report covers the period from the Adoption Act 1949 to the Adoption Act 1976. Its summary describes how, during that period

??thousands of children of unmarried women were adopted even though their mothers did not want to let them go. Many of those affected, both mothers and children, have faced life-long suffering as a consequence of this separation.?

The inquiry sought to consider whether the treatment of these women and children respected their right to family life, as we understand it today, and how they were affected by the severing of that crucial bond between mother and child.

?The experiences of the mothers and their children are at the centre of this inquiry. They did not, as is often said, give their children away. Unmarried women who found themselves pregnant during this period faced secrecy and shame from the earliest stages. Those who would have seized the chance to keep their sons and daughters with them and brought them up themselves did not have the opportunity to do so. Societal and familial pressures, and the absence of support, contributed to thousands of children being taken from loving mothers and placed for adoption.?

The committee estimated that around 185,000 babies of unmarried mothers were adopted during this 27 year period ? that is nearly 7,000 per year. The report records:

?Many young women were sent away from home to conceal their pregnancy, and many spent their final weeks of pregnancy and weeks after the birth in mother and baby homes. Some of our witnesses recounted the abuse they faced whilst away from home. We were struck by descriptions of the ways in which the women were being ?punished? for what was seen as a transgression. There was an overwhelming feeling amongst the mothers we heard from that their treatment during and after giving birth was deliberate punishment for their pregnancy while unmarried.

We also heard about the continuing impact of the adoption of their baby on the mothers with many recounting ongoing mental health difficulties, others telling us the impacts on their family lives for decades. As one mother told us, ?53 years later and here I am, a wreck because of what happened to me and my daughter.? The mothers we heard from were subjected to cruelty because they were considered to have transgressed. Their treatment stands as an important reminder that human rights should be protected for all, including those who at any particular time are regarded as transgressors.?

The adoption orders that were made at that time, with respect to these women, were made ?by consent?, with the mothers signing away their rights, and the court simply acting upon the basis of that apparent consent in subsequently making an adoption order. The report describes the overwhelming culture amongst professionals, whether they be medical or social work practitioners, and voluntary adoption agencies, many of which were run by religious organisations, which was that there was no question of the mother caring for her child as a single parent and the only option was that of adoption. As a result, adoptions achieved in this way are, correctly, labelled as ?forced adoption?, rather than, as is often the case, ?relinquished children? ? a phrase which wrongly suggests that these mothers had some choice in the matter.

The report justifies reading in full. One aspect that it highlights is the difficulty that adopted adults encounter in accessing information about their birth family, despite now being entitled to do so.

To give one illustration of the finality of this form of adoption, in 1995 I had the privilege of representing a woman whose baby daughter had been adopted in 1960. All this lady wanted was simply to be told how things had turned out and if her daughter was well that this was so. She did not want to trace her or be put in touch. The application was refused and my appeal against the refusal was dismissed with the Court of Appeal holding that truly exceptional circumstances were required to justify disclosure of information in the official adoption registers. As far as I know, that mother may have gone to her grave not knowing anything about the life of the child she had given birth to. To my mind at the time, and at all times since, that outcome seemed cruel in the extreme to me. The same strict regime would not apply to modern adoptions, but that it was still applied to these forced adoptions only 25 years ago is striking.

For those who are interested, a recent ?File on Four? documentary by Jon Holmes describes his quest for information about the circumstances of his own adoption during that period. The programme shows that even for the adopted person, the task of tracing your own records is not made easy.

There is a group known as the ?UK Adult Adoptee Movement? , which believes that, despite the JCHR Report, there is still insufficient understanding of the impact of forced adoption on adoptees and their families. The group campaigns to raise awareness of the lifelong trauma adoptees face and to ensure appropriate support is available for all those involved. They state that:

?The impact of being adopted, does not magically disappear when you become an adult. Different life events, such as relationships, careers, healthcare and menopause are greatly affected by our adoption experiences ? yet this is completely ignored by society.?

Inquiries similar to those of the JCHR have been undertaken in Scotland and N Ireland into forced adoption. In Scotland and in Wales, the respective governments have issued a formal apology for the state?s knowledge of and involvement in this practice. The UK government has concluded that a formal apology with respect to England would not be appropriate.

The practice of ?forced adoption? ended in the 1970?s. My purpose in highlighting it today is to draw attention to the Joint Committee?s report, which did not receive wide media coverage on its publication last year. I believe, that, just as is the case with the Magdalene Laundries in Ireland, there is a legitimate public interest in knowing how the authorities in our jurisdiction approached the problem, as they saw it, of pregnancy out of wedlock in the middle of the last century. As a judge it is certainly not my place to comment on whether a public apology should, or should not, be made. There is, in any event, a legitimate debate to be had with respect to such apologies, and I do not intend to enter into it. I do, however, believe that many, if not all, in this room this evening will share my own sense of astonishment and shame that this practice was being undertaken in our country not so long ago, and that you may also share my profound sorrow for the women who were so clearly harmed by it.

My reason for referring to this, now historical, model of adoption is, in part to draw attention to what many will regard as a shocking practice, but also because, I believe, some elements of the culture surrounding it still remain in the modern approach to adoption, in particular with regard to the primary focus of this lecture, which is on the approach to what contact, if any, there should be between an adopted child and their birth family.

Until the 1970s adoption largely involved the relinquishing of young babies by a parent or parents with no expectation of any future contact. Children placed under this arrangement were usually very young and had no attachment or memory of their birth family. The stigma attached to illegitimacy and infertility meant that the decision not to promote contact was considered to be a protective factor for the adopter, the adopted child and the birth family. There was thus little call for post-adoption contact.

Against that background, and before turning to the modern law and practice, it is helpful to stand back and remind ourselves of what is meant by ?adoption? in English law.

An adoption order is an order giving parental responsibility for a child to the adopters. At the same time an adoption order operates to extinguish permanently the parental responsibility which any person had for the child immediately before the order was made . An adoption order is irrevocable (save in very restricted circumstances) and the child will be deemed in law to be the adopters? legitimate child, as if he or she had been born to them . The legal relationships within the child?s natural family cease to exist.

When a court or an adoption agency is coming to a decision relating to the adoption of a child, its paramount consideration must be the child?s welfare ?throughout his life? . This life-long lens is of a different order to that which applies in all other decisions a court may make concerning the upbringing of a child, where the paramount consideration is simply the child?s welfare. This distinction is important. It points up the essential difference between a decision focussed on ?the upbringing of a child? (to use the words of s 1 of the Children Act 1989) and one for adoption, which is a life-changing and permanent change of status. An adopted child is not only such during their minority, they are an adopted person throughout their adult life and forevermore.

Following the end of the days of ?forced adoption? or ?relinquished babies? reforming legislation in the 1970?s, adoption is now largely used for children who have been protected from child abuse by removing them from the care of their natural family. Such children are likely to require continued protection in the years to come, but, one may ask, how bad must the home circumstances be to justify not merely keeping the child safe during childhood, but legally removing her from her family forever and grafting her permanently into another family for the remainder of her life. The answer to that question, established by a decision of the UK Supreme Court , is that adoption will only be the proportionate remedy when it is necessary to meet the child?s welfare needs throughout their life and ?nothing else? (meaning no less intrusive arrangement) ?will do?.

The court must look at the realistic options for the child?s future care and must, in particular, consider the relationship that she has with any person and the impact of ceasing to be a member of the birth family and becoming an adopted person.

It is right to record that the change in the model of adoption from one which sought to remove many children born out of wedlock from their mothers, to one which aims to find permanent homes for abused children who cannot return to their family has had a radical impact on the volume of adoption applications which have fallen from a peak of around 25,000 in the 1960?s to below 5,000 children adopted from care in 2010 and again to around 2,950 in 2022.

An adoption order, or an order authorising a local authority to place a child for adoption, can only be made if each parent who has parental responsibility for the child either consents to the order, or the court has dispensed with the need to obtain their consent. Where consent is given, it must be unconditional and with full understanding of what is involved . Where a parent does not agree to the order, a court can only dispense with their consent where, either:
(a) The parent cannot be found or lacks capacity (within the meaning of the Mental Capacity Act 2005) to give consent; or
(b) The welfare of the child requires the consent to be dispensed with.

It is this latter requirement upon which, as I have already trailed, the Supreme Court focussed in Re B (A Child) in 2013. The judgments variously stressed that adoption should be seen ?as a last resort ? when all else fails? and where ?the court must be satisfied that there is no practical way of the authorities or others providing the requisite assistance and support? for the child and where ?nothing else will do?. The test is very strict with adoption only being ordered ?in exceptional circumstances? and where motivated by overriding requirements pertaining to the child?s welfare.

Finally, in this whistle-stop introduction to adoption law for newcomers, it is necessary to describe two other elements of the legal process. Firstly, in a change introduced by the Adoption and Children Act 2002 [?ACA 2002?], where a local authority intends to place a child who is in their care for adoption, they can only do so with the consent of both parents or where a court has made a ?placement for adoption? order. Such an order may, itself, only be made with consent, or where the court dispenses with parental consent on the basis that I have explained. Once a placement for adoption order has been made, the adoption issue is considered to be finalised so far as the parents are concerned and they can only apply to reopen the plan for the adoption for further court scrutiny if there has been a change in the circumstances underpinning the order and it is in the child?s interests to reopen the issue ? this is a high, and usually insurmountable, hurdle in most cases.

The importance of determining the issue of parental consent and for the court to endorse the plan for adoption before any adoptive placement takes place is that the child and the potential adopters will proceed into the placement knowing that, if it works out between them, an adoption is likely to follow without a further contested court hearing. Under the previous law, the parents were able to challenge the whole plan in a head-to-head trial with the adopters after the child had made his or her home with them and had settled down; that was, as you will imagine, often a most unsatisfactory and unsettling experience for the adopters. It was also less than fair to the parents who were facing a fait accompli, where it was hard to contemplate that a court would now remove their child from the adopters.

The second and final element of the legal structure that I need to paint in relates to ?contact?. As will become clear, it is this element that I consider needs to be developed in order to adapt adoption more suitably to the modern age.

Once a placement for adoption order has been made, all previous orders or arrangements for a child and his or her natural family to have contact with each other come to an end. When making a placement order, the court has the power to make a further order under ACA 2002, s 26 requiring the person with whom the child lives, or is to live, to allow him to visit or stay with the person named in the order, or for them otherwise to have contact with each other. Unless such an order has been made, there is no legal requirement for the local authority to arrange any contact with the child?s natural family.

Although s 26 speaks of a child being allowed to visit or stay with another person, such arrangements will be very rare given that the plan is for the child to cut all legal ties with his natural family. The normal arrangement, after a short interim period in which existing contact arrangements are run down and cease with a ?farewell? visit, is for a minimal link to be established via what is called ?letterbox contact?. The details will vary from case to case, but normally involve each side of the divide, namely the adopters and the natural parents, communicating with each other by a short letter or report once each year. These communications might, or might not, contain photographs and would give a brief update.

It is obviously important, as an adopted child grows up and comes to terms with who they are and what adoption means, for them to have some knowledge of their natural family. Adopters are taught and encouraged to maintain a ?Life Story Book? and undertake regular Life Story work with their child. In this context, the information gained through letterbox contact will be important and, minimal though the level of connection with the child might be, its value is not to be under-estimated.

The report in 2013 of a House of Lords Committee on Adoption Legislation quoted from two authoritative sources on the relevance and importance of contact post-adoption for the children who were now being adopted in saying that

?It was important to remember that contact should be for the benefit of the child, not for the parents or other relatives. The reasons why a child might benefit from contact were spelled out in evidence from After Adoption: ?it is not about maintenance of the relationships as they were with the birth family . . . what [children] like is to have some continuity that enables them to integrate the past with the present, and obviously then the future. I think contact can play a very useful role for the child in helping them understand their world and their life history.?
Helen Oakwater described the role that facilitated contact could play in assisting a child to ?integrate their past, allowing them to form a coherent narrative and more robust sense of self.??

Turning, at last, to the title of this address, ?Adapting Adoption for the Modern World?, what do I mean by the ?modern world? and why does adoption need adapting?

I suspect that I only need to begin to sketch out the ?modern world? point for you to understand the need for some form of rethink.

Picture the scene, the primary means by which an adoption might achieve the goal of creating an entirely new life for a child was hitherto to establish a largely imperviable wall around them, with little detailed knowledge of or contact with their natural family. Going back decades and decades, this is manifest in the extreme situations that are played out in ?Long Lost Families?, but still in relatively recent times a child, who might even live in a neighbouring town to his previous family, would be unlikely to know them or know much about them. In a world where communication was confined to letters and landline telephones, and a photograph was always a physical thing, it was possible, indeed easy, to maintain an adopted child in an hermetically sealed environment of this nature into adulthood unless the adopted person actively sought to trace their original family. Should they wish to do so, the process of giving them the identifying information was, for their own benefit, carefully controlled and supported by trained post-adoption counsellors.

You will now be ahead of me ?. With the explosion of digital communication in the past two decades it is possible for an adopted child, quietly, alone in their bedroom, without the knowledge of their adopted parents, to trace and find their family. The temptation to do so, and then to make contact with them, must be almost irresistible. But the dangers of doing so, and the potential for significant emotional harm to result, are easy to contemplate. Unlike the babies taken at birth of yesteryear, today?s adoptees have normally been removed from their family because they have experienced, or were likely to experience, significant harm there; harm of a nature and degree that justified permanent life-long placement as part of another family.

It is, sadly, now a not uncommon experience, despite the best efforts of adopters who have made a full, lifelong and loving commitment to their child, to experience the breakdown of that relationship during the teenage years with, in some cases, the young person moving with their feet and trying to rejoin their birth family. Such attempts often fail, or are a cause of further harm to the child. Fresh child protection procedures may be commenced between local authority social services with the adopters, as the child?s parents.

Even where events do not take such an extreme course, the task of bringing a young person up through the teenage years, never an easy one, must be all the more complicated where the child has been adopted and has had some experience, which may have been deeply traumatic, of their natural family. Gaining a sense of one?s own identity, where we come from, where we fit in and who we are, is a journey each of us will have undertaken during our adolescence. It was not easy was it, even if, like me, you had the security of a nuclear family that had been solidly consistent throughout your early years. Imagine how much more difficult it may be for one who has experienced a dysfunctional and abusive start in life, followed, probably, by a series of foster carers before becoming permanently part of your adoptive family only a few years before the onset of puberty.

That these difficulties exist is made evident by the fact that there is an active support group for adopters. It is called the ?Potato Group?, standing for ?Parents of Traumatised Adopted Teens Organisation? . Potato describes itself in these terms:

?We are a group of around 400 parents of adopted teenagers and post teens from all over the UK.

Collectively we parent young people who have suffered early, repeated trauma and continue to face difficulties in their teen and young adult years.

Our purpose is to provide a peer based service for families with teenagers who hurt and help them access support, information, resources and friendship from people who are living it and truly understand.?

This is a lecture about the law rather than social policy. It is in no manner the place of a judge to pontificate on the latter. That is so not only in constitutional terms, but also because, as a lawyer, I am not qualified to do so. These are matters, ultimately, for government and Parliament and it is welcome news that the Department for Education, which has responsibility for adoption, has commissioned a wide-ranging study about the lives of teenagers and young adults in adoptive, or alternatively ?special guardianship? families. A special guardianship order [under CA 1989, s 14A], which is intended to endure throughout childhood, is made to secure the placement of a child in the care of someone who is not their parent, but is often a close family member (for example a grandparent, aunt or uncle). Such placements, often referred to as ?kinship care?, have a sense of permanence, but allow the child to remain within the birth family.

In announcing the current project Sarah Jennings, Deputy Director at the Department for Education said
?This ground-breaking research will inform future government policy and delivery of both adoption and kinship care support. ? This research will inform our thinking on how to further improve the support provided to adoptive and kinship care families.?

The central question from my perspective is to ask whether the law, and the manner in which it is currently applied by the courts, continues to be fit for purpose, or whether it requires adapting to meet the changing needs of adopted children in the modern world.

To focus on the question, it is necessary to look in more detail at why contact is so important an issue. What follows is my own understanding after some 40 years, but that understanding has been greatly enhanced by recent discussion (for which I am most grateful) with Dr John Simmonds of Coram BAAF, with whom I am in agreement on many of these issues.

The first point to make is that the term ?contact? is itself unhelpful in this context. To lawyers, and no doubt to birth parents, it is likely to mean direct communication, and/or meetings, with the child. Such a narrow, or functional, view is unhelpful as it can obscure one of the core features of adoption, namely the severing of the child?s relationship with their birth parents and the establishment of a new set of relationships with the adopters. The consequences of the breaking and making of relationships is significant for all those involved including a profound sense of loss for the birth parents, a sense of confusion for the child/adolescent/adult and a source of anxiety for the adoptive parents. Any attempt to re-build these relationships in a meaningful and safe way through contact must take into account the needs of the individuals in a more comprehensive way than that provided by annual ?letterbox? messages.

To give an indication of the degree of sophistication required in developing a bespoke plan for contact for an individual adopted child, it is likely that the following factors will be relevant in most cases:

    Age of the child at removal from the parents.
    Age of the child at placement with approved adopters.
    The impact of genetic factors on the child?s development.
    The impact of risks to the child in the womb ? Foetal Alcohol Syndrome, or drug use by the mother.
    The lived experience of the child ? domestic abuse, poor feeding and hygiene, comfort, sensitivity, playfulness and relationships
    Tracking the child?s health ? weight, growth, sight, hearing.
    A range of health factors which impact on the child such as a named developmental condition.
    Parental neglect when evidenced by a significant failure to exercise parental responsibility as set out in law.
    Significant risk and harm that fall within the experience of abuse ? the direct actions of the parents that directly harm the child ? physical violence and assaults, sexual abuse.

All of these issues underpin the significance of avoiding any delay in agreeing the plan and solution for the child. We know that what every child needs throughout their life is a stable, loving family life that is or becomes their secure base. As a part of this, the child?s curiosity about their past including their birth family and other people who were important to them such as foster carers must be acknowledged and accommodated. The experience of feeling connected and having a personal narrative that is meaningful to the child/adolescent/adult is a core part of the recovery from an early life that was traumatic.

I am not alone in considering letter-box contact to be outdated and no longer apt to meet the more sophisticated understanding that now exists of a young adopted person?s needs. One particular deficit of letter-box communication is that it is typically only sent to the birth mother, and rarely to the father or, of great importance, to any siblings who may be separated from the adopted child. In addition, the model would seem to be based upon a fear of contact with the natural family destabilising the adoptive placement, when more modern thinking indicates that maintaining some continuing relationship with the natural family can assist the child.

Earlier, when looking at the historical context, I described the strong element of secrecy and lack of any contact which was a feature of forced adoption. Whilst that model has now been abandoned, it may be that its legacy continues to be played out in the approach to contact.

Drawing together these various strands, it is clear to me that a bespoke plan for future contact between a child and their birth family should be developed at an early stage and well before that child moves on to be placed for adoption.

In preparing this address, I have been greatly assisted by the fact that the report of a working group that I established some 18 months ago has recently been published and I intend, if I may, to spend some short time setting out its main conclusions before offering my own observations. The group, which is the President?s Public Law Working Group, Adoption Sub-Group (we are very inventive in the matter of group names), was made up of lawyers, judges, social work professionals and others who were all specialists in adoption work with Mrs Justice Frances Judd as its chair. Its report was published for consultation in September.

The report noted how adoption had adapted and changed down the years, but was clear that it needed to continue to do so saying:

?First and foremost, we recommend that there needs to be a greater focus on the issue of contact with the birth family as long as it is safe and for adopted adults to have more straightforward access to their records.?
Although the report ranges far and wide, for the purposes of this lecture I intend to take up its lead and focus in on contact after adoption. An opening paragraph summarises the group?s approach:

Whilst there has been a great deal of research in recent years as to the potential advantages to adopted children of maintaining some sort of face-to-face contact with the birth family, it remains unusual for the care plan for children who are going to be placed for adoption to propose more than indirect or letterbox contact. The House of Lords Children and Families Act 2014 Committee, which reported in December 2022 , concluded that the current system of letterbox contact was outdated and warned that the failure to modernise contact threatened to undermine the adoption system.

The group suggests a change in social work practice and training for all involved in the process (including prospective adopters) to give more focus to contact and the benefits that it can bring for many (although not all) adopted children.

The first chapter, on Adoption and Contact, opens with this statement:
Our main recommendation is that there should be a tailormade approach to the issue of contact for each adopted child which includes and promotes face-to-face contact with important individuals in that child?s life if it can be safely achieved. The issue of contact needs to be actively considered throughout the child?s minority, not only before the adoption order is made. The other recommendations are intended to support this overarching aim.
The PLWG report goes on to quote from the December 2022 House of Lords report:

?Contact, where safe, appropriate and properly managed, can be valuable for an adoptive child, their new family and their birth family, including siblings and other relatives. However, contact orders and support can vary, and the current system of letterbox contact is outdated. The failure to modernise contact threatens to undermine the adoption system.?

They reference a 2019 lecture that I gave to a Coram BAAF conference in which I said ?that any move towards greater openness and flexibility in post-adoption contact must come on a case-by-case basis, in a manner that brings prospective adopters along on a consensual basis. At each stage the court must give consideration to the issue of long-term contact, relying on advice from well-informed social workers and guardians as to the benefits (or otherwise) of contact in the particular case.?

The PLWG summarises the key messages from recent research:
i. There is considerable evidence that transparency and openness around the circumstances and experiences of the adoptee?s birth family is beneficial to an adopted child.
ii. The purpose of contact post-adoption is for the adoptee about enabling a process to help them understand their experiences and develop a sense of identity. Existing relationships with birth parents must change to take into account their different role as a result of the legal process of adoption.
iii. Separating siblings can lead to an enduring sense of loss.
iv. There are strong indications that face-to-face contact helps adoptees develop a sense of identity, accept the reasons why they were adopted and move forward with their lives.
v. However, ensuring that contact is safe for the child is pivotal to positive outcomes.
vi. Communication with and understanding from the parties involved in contact (birth parents or other relatives/adoptees/adopters) is an important component in its success.
vii. Despite the research indicating the benefits of face-to-face contact, where it can be safely managed, the overwhelming majority of cases continue to recommend only letterbox contact. Where direct contact does occur it often happens without any formal agreement being in place.
viii. Letterbox contact can prove problematic. A high number of arrangements stall as a result of one (or both) parties failing to maintain the arrangement. This leaves many adoptees without any effective contact from birth families.
ix. The experience in Northern Ireland tends to suggest that a shift in mindset by professionals involved in the process of adoption and strong guidance from the judiciary can bring about a change in approach to post adoption contact without the need for changes in primary legislation.
The group also recommends greater support and counselling for birth parents and that the full range of contact options, including digital options, should be actively considered by the professionals and the court during care and placement proceedings. They do not suggest that contact orders should routinely be made in the face of opposition from adoptive parents, whether at the time of the adoption itself or later, but it is believed that opposition is much less likely where adoptive parents are given a thorough understanding of the child?s needs right at the start and are given the right support.

A similar perspective is provided by another recent report. It is from the Consortium of Voluntary Adoption Agencies ?A home for me?? (November 2022) . It is a comparative review of different forms of permanence for children through adoption, SGO?s and fostering and it opens with the following sentence:
?The adoption system in the United Kingdom is not working well for children?

In the body of the CVAA report (p 13) the authors state that:
?? it should be recognised that birth family contact can be preserved and facilitated within adoption. Our research, and that of others, recognises that the awareness of birth family contact within adoption helps to facilitate it, and ongoing support for it within adoption ? needs to be improved. Realistically, in this age of social media, children are able to locate birth family and vice versa; therefore, earlier strategies of separating children from their birth family are no longer realistic. If this issue were to be addressed and there was recognition that adoption could support birth family contact, this could increase the likelihood of social workers recommending children and young people for adoption.?

Finally, before moving towards the recommendations made by the group, I wish to quote from oral evidence given to the Lords Children and Families Act 2014 Committee on 4 April 2022 by Al Coates who is a very experienced adoptive parent, former foster carer and a social worker as Mr Coates captures the essence of the thrust of each of these recent reviews and delivers it with the authority of one who has experienced the playing out of these issues first hand.

?We have a system that was developed in the 1950s, before computers were even invented. We are asking people to write letters. I do not know about you, but I do not write letters. We are asking vulnerable people and adult adoptive parents to write letters. We live in a social media age, and yet our feet are firmly stuck in the last century. We need a flexible, intuitive, risk averse but appropriately safe system that allows for meaningful support for lifelong contact with safe members of birth families.

I was recently given information from a freedom of information request across all RAAs in the UK. The amount of birth parents writing to adopters and not getting responses is amazing; it is in the hundreds. Once the adoption order is made, adopters do what they want.
The needs of five-year olds in relation to contact are very different from the needs of 10 year-olds. Then children become adolescents.

Twenty years ago, you would have had to go to the library and look through a microfiche?if you can remember what those are?to find someone. Now, if you give me three minutes with a mobile phone, I can find you. We need to have a flexible approach and to find an antidote to what are, as we have all been, angry teenagers acting impulsively. We find lots of families really struggling to support their children. We have a system that works on the worst-case scenario and presumes that all birth parents are dangerous and unsafe.

Do we need social workers who do an annual review and ask, ?What are your contact needs?? ? When children are young adults, physical contact might be appropriate, because we know that the physical risks to a three year-old are not present for a 15, 18 or 22 year-old. Those relationships cannot be restored. You cannot get time back. If we can keep a thread going through, let us do it with ongoing reviews.?

It is now time to draw this address to a close. After such a long run up, you are entitled to anticipate a number of punchy ?conclusions? and guidance for future practice. Timing is not, however, favourable in that regard. The recommendations of the PLWG Adoption group are currently out for consultation until 30th November. After that date, and taking account of the consultation responses, the group will submit its final report and it will then be for me, as President, to consider the detail and indicate whether or not any final recommendations are accepted and are to be followed.

I therefore need to hold back and do no more than I have done by describing the current landscape around the issue of contact and by, now, summarising the PLWG group?s key recommendations, together with some comments of my own.

Currently, in many cases, when the court makes a placement for adoption order consideration of contact may be confined to the immediate cessation of the current arrangements, with little or no thought being given to the medium and long-term support that can be given to the child prior to, during and after placement for adoption. My own view is that there is a need for a radical departure from that model. It should be the responsibility of the court, at this key stage when it has determined that a child is to be adopted, but before the adoptive placement has been identified, to establish the basis and structure for any continuing relationship with the birth family. This may require looking beyond the birth parents to other members of the child?s wider family to see if there is someone, for example an aunt or a cousin, with whom the child may have an intermittent, safe, but real, relationship down the years. The ?Lifelong Links? model, operated by the Family Rights Group, for contact to children in long-term care may provide an example of how such a link might be established and maintained for an adopted child.

It is that approach which lies behind a key recommendation of the PLWG group which is that the full range of contact options (including digital options) should be actively considered by professionals and the court during care and placement proceedings rather than being dealt with by an assumption that contact will be via letterbox only.

The group goes on to recommend that courts should consider how they can use the jurisdiction to make contact orders under s 26 of ACA 2002 to set out clearly the assessed needs of the child to stay in touch with relevant members of their birth beyond the point of the placement order (where prospective adopters may or may not yet be identified), particularly in cases where it would be detrimental for the child to have contact cut off at this stage. Any such orders end when the adoption order is made, but they may set the tone for what the court determines should happen after the adoption order.

It may be said that, for the court to act in this way, might hinder the task of finding prospective adopters, who may be deterred by the idea of the child having some continuing contact with the birth family in the future, or that it may compromise the autonomy normally afforded to adopters. I do not agree that this should be an inhibiting factor in the court making an order where that is justified. The court?s focus is solely on the best interests of the child, not on those of potential future adopters. Where, for the reasons that I have attempted to set out in this lecture, the court considers that there should be continuing contact up to and after adoption it should establish this by a court order at the time of making a placement order. The contact regime will be reviewed at any subsequent adoption hearing at which the adopters can be heard.

At that later stage, the group recommends that courts should consider, in the right case, the use of section 51A ACA 2002 which contemplates the making of a contact order now or at any time after the making of an adoption order. In some cases, that provision may be used to facilitate a review of contact by the court at a suitable time after the making of the adoption order, for example where direct contact is not appropriate at the time of the order but may be indicated at a time in the foreseeable future.

The group recognise that imposing an order on unwilling adopters is a very serious matter, but they consider that, if the other recommendations in their report are accepted, there is hope that, with greater support and training for all concerned, decisions about contact are overwhelmingly likely to be made by consent. In this regard, they also recommend that consideration should be given in every case to a meeting between the adopters and members of the birth family.

Finally, in this selection of highlights, the group recommend that after the adoption order is made, periodic reviews of contact plans should be offered by the adoption social worker to ensure the plan is still meeting the child?s needs and to consider any changes to the contact or support for contact that might be needed. Such a change would indeed be a radical departure from current practice, but, with the words of Mr Al Coates fresh in your minds, you will not be surprised to hear me say that, subject to the consultation process, I consider that this suggestion is well founded.

I would conclude by stressing that adoption is a life changing and life enhancing process. Making an adoption order is one of the most significant decisions and actions the State can take. The plan for any adopted child is to ensure that they become settled on a pathway similar to any child whose life is centred around their birth parents and family, with provision for day to day care, a secure base, stimulation, connection and identity. In addition, an adopted child has needs beyond the ?typical child and family experience? that are stimulated by curiosity and the need to know about family history, relationships, and their past circumstances. The term ?open? is often used to give recognition to these issues in modern adoption ? the modern approach is fundamentally different to the evidence and conclusions explored by the Joint Parliamentary Committee in pre-1970?s adoption, where secrecy, denial and condemnation were prevalent. What we now know is that the concept of modern adoption needs to be developed further, so that services are improved, in particular with regard to provision for a continuing relationship with and knowledge of the birth family, with the child?s needs being at the centre of all that we do. Every adopted child has a right to no less.

6
https://www.irishcentral.com/roots/history/stolen-documentary-mother-baby-homes?utm_campaign=IC%20Daily%20-%203%20Nov%20-%202023-11-03&utm_medium=Email&_hsmi=281072162&_hsenc=p2ANqtz-_ZybIzAgaUWo1F2ORazZqbxszUU9hA1manSvCLrTdvG3sPnh4gEdzzvFo4_Bll9OE2LiHZtIHGB1iznVJhVZL3JXFWsNwqlRau-Y_csYW7wJJakiI&utm_content=Story1&utm_source=HubSpot

Ireland's mother and baby homes explored in powerful new documentary
"Stolen" explores how over 80,000 unmarried mothers were incarcerated in religious institutions where children were often adopted within Ireland and abroad.
IrishCentral Staff
@IrishCentral
Nov 03, 2023

Margo Harkin's "Stolen" explores how over 80,000 unmarried mothers were incarcerated in religious institutions run by nuns, shining a light on a period of Irish history when children were often adopted within Ireland and abroad unaware of their birth story or the identity of their birth mother.  Other children were fostered out as cheap labor after they turned six, while over 9,000 babies and young children died in the institutions between 1922 and 1998 at a rate that was five times the national average.  The new two-hour documentary allows survivors to give their own accounts of life in the institutions, detailing their experiences of cruelty and loss. It also explores survivors' ongoing campaign for the truth, including a demand for DNA testing of remains to allow families to identify their loved ones and find closure.  Others, in the absence of burial records, are seeking to find the location of their relatives' final resting place, while some survivors still hold out hope of finding a long-lost sibling, with the film investigating allegations that some children's deaths were fabricated to facilitate their adoption to the United States.   "Stolen" will additionally explore how the history of religious institutions was largely ignored until historian Catherine Corless uncovered that there were 796 babies and young children buried in an underground sewage plant at the Bon Secours Mother and Baby Home in Tuam, County Galway.  The documentary will also examine the Mother and Baby Homes Commission of Investigation, which was established by the Irish Government following the discovery in Tuam and other mother and baby homes around the country.  The Commission published its report in 2021, confirming reports of infant mortality, poor hygiene, and misogyny. Then-Taoiseach Miche?l Martin issued a State apology following the publication of the report.  However, the film explores how survivors are not satisfied with how the report found that there was no evidence that women were forced into the institutions, with the report additionally stating that there was no evidence of forced adoptions.  The report also proposed a payment scheme for survivors but excluded anyone who spent less than six months in an institution.  Colleen Anderson, who was born in the Sean Ross Abbey mother and baby home and features in the documentary, said the report could have shown more empathy to survivors.  "Whether it?s six months or nearly three years like me, the outcome of these adoptions were not often happy," Anderson told the Irish Independent.

"To be robbed of a part of your life ? it touches everybody. There could have been more empathy and sympathy from the government. To this day, we?re being ignored or put on the back burner."

7
Articles / Secrets and lies
« on: October 13, 2023, 11:43:43 AM »
https://perspectivemag.co.uk/secrets-and-lies/?fbclid=IwAR1glJnp3BrygczH-jrUJjRREWt5oeQLbhAH8_cFpSHjHQ11JL2ke8WnJOQ

Secrets and lies
Why a full government apology is needed for the victims of forced UK adoptions
15 August 2023, 12:41pm

I was on the District Line when I saw my Dad for the first time. Coming home from an event, a bit tipsy, and suddenly there he was. He has my slightly wonky but mischievous eyes, luxuriant shoulder-length dark hair, and looked like a member of the Bay City Rollers, dolled up for a wedding. He never knew I existed.  When I’d first got in touch, my new-found uncle had taken a lot of convincing that his brother had fathered a child before dying of cancer, aged twenty. No one including my birth parents had known I was his. I’m the result of a fleeting teenage fling, and even my birth mother had always thought her steady boyfriend was responsible. But eventually, after matched DNA results proved my lineage, my uncle emailed a photo. Aged 50, I finally saw my Dad. Late night, alone, on a tube train.  I am one of the victims of the forced adoption scandal in the UK, for which, in March, Nicola Sturgeon, then first minister of Scotland, issued a formal apology on behalf of the Scottish government. In an emotional speech, she talked of “a level of injustice which is hard now for us to comprehend” and that it was time to “acknowledge the terrible wrongs that have been done”.

More recently, the Welsh government followed suit, with Julie Morgan, deputy minister for social services, addressing mothers and adult adoptees, saying: “I would like to convey my deepest sympathy and regret that due to society failing you, you had to endure such appalling historical practices. For this I am truly sorry.”

    My adoptive parents had put together a checklist of character traits they wanted

By contrast, the UK Government – which, let’s remember, was responsible for adoption policy across all home nations at the time – responded to a separate parliamentary report by admitting that adoptees born between 1949 and 1976 had been subjected to a breach of their human rights, but stopped short of issuing a full apology, instead opining that: “We are sorry on behalf of society for what happened.”

For those of us caught up in this, that’s not nearly enough. In short, they passed responsibility for their mistakes to us, by saying: “It was just what happened in those days.”

Many have questioned why an apology is important, given these practices ended in the mid-1970s. This is why.  Mothers were forced to give up their children shortly after birth. Largely young and unmarried often with the collusion of their families, and always with input from social workers or church groups they were told there was no state support available. They were unfit to be mothers. There’s more than a whiff of Mary Whitehouse-like moral judgement in what happened to them. Their stories are heartbreaking.  Forcibly removed from my mother, I was in the care of the state for the first few weeks of my life. I wish I could tell you that someone loved me, touched me, kept me safe in those formative days, but no one can find my records.  The state orphaned me. It took my identity without my consent. Think a witness protection programme, imposed against my will. The crime I’d “witnessed” was a seventeen-year-old girl giving birth. Her crime began in a one-night stand with the guitarist in her brother’s band. For that, she needed to be punished. It started with nurses deliberately withholding all pain relief.  But that’s her story, not mine except I’ve come to realise that I barely have a story of my own. As with many adoptees, cover stories were created to make this seem a plausible and desirable option for both my mother and me. “She was too young; she couldn’t have given you the things we can; she wanted you to have a better life.”

Information about birth parents is scant and often completely fabricated, meaning adoptees cling to slivers to help make sense of their genetic make-up. My adoptive parents were told by social services that my father was a musician in the armed forces, so I found watching Trooping the Colour unbearable; have you ever looked at sixteen horn players marching in formation while thinking “Which one of you bastards is my father?”

The recent coronation was the first state occasion I had ever watched without breaking out in a cold sweat, since I now know that military bands played no part in my history.  My adoptive parents had put together a checklist of character traits they wanted: girl, CHECK; musical or artistic, CHECK. I was a commodity, an innocent child, ready for them to mould. As they always told me, I was more special than my classmates because they chose me. Society lauded them for doing a good thing, giving an unwanted child a home and a good start in life.  Except this child came preloaded with her own thoughts. With a burning sense of fairness, with a need to build her own safe space, with ruthless resilience. No one knew from where such radical beliefs had come: she was meant to be a blank slate. Hadn’t the reboot worked?

That’s often the thing with adult adoptees. We fight hard to establish our own identity without having any of the normal prompts. The longstanding discussions of nature vs nurture have particular resonance for us, because we’re only privy to the second part of that puzzle. It’s very easy to understand that your sense of humour comes from your dad, or love of art from your mother, if you have them, or wider family, around to tell you. But what if all that information has been deliberately withheld?

You feel you don’t quite fit in, anywhere, because you can’t pin your values, interests, physical attributes and talents to anything, or anyone.  In time as you emerge from the fear, obligation and guilt that so often partner the narrative of being saved by a nice middle-class family you begin to realise you were trafficked, and that the state facilitated that.

    In time, you begin to realise you were trafficked, and the state facilitated that

Adoptees will find that their original birth certificates have been voided, reissued under a new name. That, on adoption, they were gifted a new NHS number, so that it was near impossible to trace birth families. They begin to realise they were entered into a lifelong adoption contract without any legal representation, and with no break clause.  It gets wearing that every time they visit a GP, they go through the rigmarole of explaining that no, we don’t have any family medical history, and then watch while the doctor looks awkward, shrugs and says: “So, no pre-existing conditions. We’ll put you down as no risk.”

They also find that life assurance companies take the opposite view, penalising with exorbitant premiums, specifically because they don’t have any family medical history and are therefore high risk.  For those who persist in trying to find genetic families, they might seek medical records from their birth, only to be told they can be accessed only with the permission of the mother yes, the one you can’t find. If records haven’t been conveniently lost in a fire/flood/office move (delete as applicable), some lucky few are provided with adoption files with so much information redacted that they are literally not worth the paper they were written on. Others are told their own birth records have been sealed for a hundred years, but provided with no reason.  Increasingly, it’s transpiring that some adoptive families have been told their children’s birth names but choose to withhold this information from their adoptees, despite assurances that they’ve passed on everything they know. These transgressions are often discovered only on the death of adopters, secreted in family documents like little hand grenades that detonate alongside grief. The lies and manipulations that sit, on some level, behind all adoptions are breathtaking.  Unsurprisingly, many adoptees find this difficult to process and seek counselling, only to uncover another hurdle: we are able to be supported only by counsellors registered with OSTED, despite being adults. Unsurprisingly, very few bother so there’s a massive shortage of adoption-informed therapists to support us. I know of only two north of Watford. Providing a recommended reading list to a potential counsellor prior to starting therapy is the norm in the adoptee community. Yet again, we do both the emotional labour and the pragmatic administration in our bid to find our roots. It’s as if the government deliberately overlooks the fact that children become adults, keen to keep us infantilised.  The advent of home DNA-testing kits has been a game-changer. If the authorities won’t help, science will. But going from tiny scraps of (mis)information to a worldwide network of people who share your blood line is utterly overwhelming. Sadly, not all relatives are accepting, as adoptees are usually the dirty secret of the family tree, so the happy-ever-after moments so beloved of TV programmes are the exception. Only one in ten reunions are positive.  What do I know of mine?

My birth mother and grandmother are both alive, and we have met. This is not a happy-ending story, since although my mother and I are building a relationship, nothing can ever make up for her missing my first day of school, my fifty birthdays, and being in my wedding photos. Few people will have had the experience of finally meeting the grandmother who signed them away to a parallel life with another family, against their own daughter’s wishes, and had to sit smiling throughout the meeting.  There are positives, and amusing coincidences, such as finding that my mother and I had exactly the same photo of an unlikely pin-up in our teenage bedrooms: Glaswegian architect Charles Rennie Mackintosh. There are also huge sadnesses, such as discovering I have cousins on my father’s side who either do not want to meet me, or don’t know of my existence, since all contact is gate-kept by the eldest uncle, a man untroubled by emotional intelligence. I suspect my own comes down the matriarchal line.  So, back to the apology. Yes, it would make a difference to me and to the quarter of a million other adoptees from that period because it legitimises the trauma of being parted from your mother, and the lifelong impact of adoption – the primal wound. Under UK Law, puppies cannot be separated from their mothers until they are eight weeks old because scientific research says it risks behavioural and health problems in later life. Join the dots.  Many surmise that the lack of a formal apology is because the admission of liability would prompt reparation claims. Yes, it probably would. The government knew everything all along, so perhaps could cover some of the costs. Aside from any compensation for the wrongs done, it’s taken me thousands of pounds to date to try and find out who I am: subscriptions to ancestry sites, DNA testing, counselling, certified copies of documents to unlock further secrets and lies. Adoption is state-mandated identity stripping. An apology is the very least the adoptee community deserves.

Arwen Noble is a nom de plume, but also the author’s birth name. The child left floating in the ether who has a birth certificate but then disappears

8
Politics / Adoption in England and Wales - the twentieth century
« on: July 30, 2023, 04:35:05 PM »
https://www.historyandpolicy.org/docs/dfe-jenny-keating.pdf

Adoption in England and Wales - the twentieth century
Dr Jenny Keating
Senior Research Fellow Institute of Historical Research

• Adoption ‘classic adoption’ the popular picture of a childless married couple adopting an unknown baby really only existed for 50 years 1920s - 1970s
• Even then it was never as simple as that. Pre 2WW a substantial minority of single people even some men adopted children.
– And in the 1950s, a third of illegitimate children being adopted were adopted by their mother or father on their own or by their birth parent with a new partner.
– And another group of adoptions during this period were of children being adopted by their divorced parent’s new partner.

Before this ‘classic era’ there was a form of adoption in the early 20C probably closer to what happens now Poor Law adoption
• Poor Law Guardians –precursors of local authority social services could take over parental rights for children who were ‘deserted’ or orphans or whose parents were disabled or judged impaired or unfit to have control of them. It could be revoked.
• There has been little research on this but it appears that ‘parental neglect’ was the reason most children were ‘adopted’ in this way
• Most of these children would be fostered out with long-term foster parents but in theory they remained under care of the Guardians who were meant to visit them at least twice a year.
• By the 1920s it appears that Poor Law adoption was in decline. As the Clerk to Southwark Guardians reported in 1920, this was because of “the difficulty of
finding really suitable foster parents” even though the Ministry of Health had relaxed the regulations.

• No adoption legislation in the UK until 1926
• Unlike most English speaking countries in the British Empire and former colonies
•First adoption legislation in the UK was the Adoption of Children Act 1926 which covered England and Wales
•It was followed by the Adoption of Children (Northern Ireland) Act 1929 and the Adoption of Children (Scotland) Act 1930.

Why did the legislation happen then?
• Growth of organised adoption and adoption societies during and after the First World War
• Pressure from adoption societies, adopting parents and children’s charities and the NCUMC for the legalisation of adoption
•The 1920s were an era of domestic legislative reform divorce and guardianship reform , opening up the professions to women, more sympathetic treatment of infanticide etc  and finally giving women the vote on the same basis as men in 1928. Adoption legislation could be seen as part of this.

What did the legislation say?
• Not a great deal it was an enabling Act. For the first time it gave all adopting parents the right to go to a court to get a secure legal entitlement to keep their adopted child.
• It laid down that adopters must not be under 25 years old or less than 21 years older than the child
• Married couples could make a joint application to adopt but otherwise applications must be in one name only. Single men could not adopt female children except in ‘special circumstances’.
• If adoptive parents died intestate their adopted children would have no rights to inherit from their estate too big an encroachment on ancient property rights.
• It didn’t make adoption completely secret so that relinquishing parents and adopted children could never trace each other, as adoption societies wanted but it made it hard for them to do so.

What did the legislation not say?
A great deal
• There was no compulsion on adopters to legally adopt their child so informal adoption could continue
• Apart from a ‘guardian ad litem’ report for the court which was often scanty there was no regulation of the adoption process either before or after the legal proceedings

After the 1926 Act what happened?
• The Act proved popular by the mid 1930s over 5000 children were being legally adopted every year
• But concern grew about the way adoptions were carried out, eg:
• everything was very casual and haphazard even the most reputable adoption societies rarely interviewed prospective adoptive parents or looked at their homes, and they sometimes made only the most rudimentary checks with referees.
• notorious maternity homes passed babies on to adoptive parents taking fees from both parents and the birth mother
• children were shipped overseas, without any checks or safeguards, particularly to the Netherlands where adoption was frowned on by the authoristies

This concern, led by organisations like the NSPCC and the NCUMC  resulted in the setting up of a Departmental Committee to look at the whole issue of how adoption was being carried out in England and Wales.  It was chaired by Miss Florence Horsbrugh MP who was later the first Conservative woman to be a member of the Cabinet. It presented its report in 1937, citing numerous examples of poor practice and making a number of recommendations which eventually resulted in the Adoption of Children (Regulation) Act 1939. The implementation of this was delayed by the onset of war.  But by 1942 there were so many stories of malpractice of babies being swapped around on railway stations and given away through newspaper adverts that an exception was made and the law was brought in, in June 1943.

The Sunday Dispatch’s correspondent, ‘Elizabeth Ann’ claimed to organise at least two adoptions a week through the ‘Sunday Dispatch Wartime Aunts Scheme’.
She wanted to free up adoption still further. One of her articles in August 1942 was headlined:  “If You Want to Adopt a Baby—You Will Find a Lot of Red Tape in the Way”.
It continued:  “I am looking for someone with a pair of shears sharp enough to cut through a tangle of red tape that is threatening the lives of hundreds, probably thousands of future citizens of Britain the red tape is that concerned with the business of adoption.” (Sunday Dispatch, 23 August 1942)

The Adoption of Children (Regulation) Act 1939 began the process of regulating adoption and giving local authorities much of the responsibility for this although very few were directly involved with organising adoptions.

Measures included:
• adoption societies would have to register with local authorities. The societies would now have to have proper procedures for approving adopters and organising probationary periods and other safeguards.
• financial inducements around adoptions were banned, as were personal adoption adverts
•Informal (ie unlegalised) adoptions were to be regulated by local authorities

Post 2WW
• Immediately post-war, the Curtis Committee findings led to the Children Act 1948 which reorganised children’s services into the care of local authorities. It praised adoption as a possible method of dealing with children in care but considered ‘boarding out’ (fostering) as a more realistic option for children who still had parents living.
•Interviewing the Home Office representative in August 1945 they asked why there were more parents wishing to adopt than children available “considering how many destitute children there are..?”
• The gist of his reply is not utterly dissimilar from what might be said now: “There are a large number of factors that contribute to that. One of them is that there are a large number of quite unsuitable people always wanting to adopt children.  Then of course there are a great many destitute children who are not available for adoption [because] either their parents are not willing to agree, or their state of health is not suitable. I think mostly the people who want to adopt children want them under the age of two, and I understand from the Societies that the very great majority want girls”.

The 1950s
•More legislation at the end of the 1940s meant that the adoption process was a more streamlined process; the relinquishing parent now had no way of finding out who was adopting her child.
•However it did not alter the rather chaotic way adoptions were arranged only an estimated quarter of adoptions were carried out by registered adoption societies. Apart from the London County Council very few local authorities were involved with arranging adoptions on any significant scale so all the rest were mainly informal arrangements by friends and acquaintances, or individual professionals like doctors and matrons.
• The Hurst Committee, another Departmental Committee on adoption in 1954, recommended greater involvement of local authorities in adoption and also suggested that almost any child was adoptable, even if disabled up to now only healthy white children had been seen as possible adoption material.
• The number of legal adoptions had risen in 1946 to over 21,000 but during the 1950s there were around 13,000 a year.
• Adoption ‘classic adoption’ the popular picture of a childless married couple adopting an unknown baby really only existed for 50 years 1920s - 1970s
• Even then it was never as simple as that. Pre 2WW a substantial minority of single people even some men adopted children.
– And in the 1950s, a third of illegitimate children being adopted were adopted by their mother or father on their own or by their birth parent with a new partner.
– And another group of adoptions during this period were of children being adopted by their divorced parent’s new partner.

Before this ‘classic era’ there was a form of adoption in the early 20C probably closer to what happens now Poor Law adoption
• Poor Law Guardians precursors of local authority social services could take over parental rights for children who were ‘deserted’ or orphans or whose parents were disabled or judged impaired or unfit to have control of them. It could be revoked.
• There has been little research on this but it appears that ‘parental neglect’ was the reason most children were ‘adopted’ in this way
• Most of these children would be fostered out with long-term foster parents but in theory they remained under care of the Guardians who were meant to visit them at least twice a year.
• By the 1920s it appears that Poor Law adoption was in decline. As the Clerk to Southwark Guardians reported in 1920, this was because of “the difficulty of finding really suitable foster parents” even though the Ministry of Health had relaxed the regulations.
• No adoption legislation in the UK until 1926
• Unlike most English speaking countries in the British Empire and former colonies
•First adoption legislation in the UK was the Adoption of Children Act 1926 which covered England and Wales
•It was followed by the Adoption of Children (Northern Ireland) Act 1929 and the Adoption of Children (Scotland) Act 1930

Why did the legislation happen then?
• Growth of organised adoption and adoption societies during and after the First World War
• Pressure from adoption societies, adopting parents and children’s charities and the NCUMC for the legalisation of adoption
•The 1920s were an era of domestic legislative reform divorce and guardianship reform , opening up the professions to women, more sympathetic treatment of infanticide etc and finally giving women the vote on the same basis as men in 1928. Adoption legislation could be seen as part of this.

What did the legislation say?
• Not a great deal it was an enabling Act. For the first time it gave all adopting parents the right to go to a court to get a secure legal entitlement to keep their adopted child.
• It laid down that adopters must not be under 25 years old or less than 21 years older than the child
• Married couples could make a joint application to adopt but otherwise applications must be in one name only. Single men could not adopt female children except in ‘special circumstances’.
• If adoptive parents died intestate their adopted children would have no rights to inherit from their estate too big an encroachment on ancient property rights.
• It didn’t make adoption completely secret so that relinquishing parents and adopted children could never trace each other, as adoption societies wanted but it made it hard for them to do so.

What did the legislation not say?
A great deal
• There was no compulsion on adopters to legally adopt their child so informal adoption could continue
• Apart from a ‘guardian ad litem’ report for the court which was often scanty there was no regulation of the adoption process either before or after the legal proceedings

After the 1926 Act what happened?
• The Act proved popular by the mid 1930s over 5000 children were being legally adopted every year
• But concern grew about the way adoptions were carried out, eg:
• everything was very casual and haphazard even the most reputable adoption societies rarely interviewed prospective adoptive parents or looked at their homes, and they sometimes made only the most rudimentary checks with referees.
• notorious maternity homes passed babies on to adoptive parents taking fees from both parents and the birth mother
• children were shipped overseas, without any checks or safeguards, particularly to the Netherlands where adoption was frowned on by the authorities

From John Bull,, 4 June 1932.
This concern, led by organisations like the NSPCC and the NCUMC , resulted in the setting up of a Departmental Committee to look at the whole issue of how adoption was being carried out in England and Wales. It was chaired by Miss Florence Horsbrugh MP who was later the first Conservative woman to be a member of the Cabinet. It presented its report in 1937, citing numerous examples of poor practice and making a number of recommendations which eventually resulted in the Adoption of Children (Regulation) Act 1939. The implementation of this was delayed by the onset of war. But by 1942 there were so many stories of malpractice of babies being swapped around on railway stations and given away through newspaper adverts that an exception was made and the law was brought in, in June 1943.  The Sunday Dispatch’s correspondent, ‘Elizabeth Ann’ claimed to organise at least two adoptions a week through the ‘Sunday Dispatch Wartime Aunts Scheme’. She wanted to free up adoption still further. One of her articles in August 1942 was headlined:  “If You Want to Adopt a Baby You Will Find a Lot of Red Tape in the Way”.

It continued:  “I am looking for someone with a pair of shears sharp enough to cut through a tangle of red tape that is threatening the lives of hundreds, probably thousands of future citizens of Britain the red tape is that concerned with the business of adoption.” (Sunday Dispatch, 23 August 1942)

Egs of classified ads in local papers:
“Wanted—some baby-lover to adopt baby girl; love only—Alderson, Flat 3, 182
Lavender Hill, Enfield, Middx”. (Kentish Independent, 22 August 1941)
“Offered for Adoption, 4 months old baby girl, all rights forfeited—Write P7428,
‘Guardian’ Office, Warrington”. (Warrington Guardian, 16 August 1941)
The Adoption of Children (Regulation) Act 1939 began the process of regulating adoption and giving local authorities much of the responsibility for this although very few were directly involved with organising adoptions.

Measures included:
• adoption societies would have to register with local authorities. The societies would now have to have proper procedures for approving adopters and organising probationary periods and other safeguards.
• financial inducements around adoptions were banned, as were personal adoption adverts
•Informal (ie unlegalised) adoptions were to be regulated by local authorities

Post 2WW
• Immediately post-war, the Curtis Committee findings led to the Children Act 1948 which reorganised children’s services into the care of local authorities. It praised adoption as a possible method of dealing with children in care but considered ‘boarding out’ (fostering) as a more realistic option for children who still had parents living.
•Interviewing the Home Office representative in August 1945 they asked why there were more parents wishing to adopt than children available “considering how many destitute children there are..?”
• The gist of his reply is not utterly dissimilar from what might be said now:  “There are a large number of factors that contribute to that. One of them is that there are a large number of quite unsuitable people always wanting to adopt children.  Then of course there are a great many destitute children who are not available for adoption [because] either their parents are not willing to agree, or their state of health is not suitable. I think mostly the people who want to adopt children want them under the age of two, and I understand from the Societies that the very great majority want girls”.

The 1950s
•More legislation at the end of the 1940s meant that the adoption process was a more streamlined process; the relinquishing parent now had no way of finding out who was adopting her child.
•However it did not alter the rather chaotic way adoptions were arranged only an estimated quarter of adoptions were carried out by registered adoption societies.  Apart from the London County Council very few local authorities were involved with arranging adoptions on any significant scale so all the rest were mainly informal arrangements by friends and acquaintances, or individual professionals like doctors and matrons.
• The Hurst Committee, another Departmental Committee on adoption in 1954, recommended greater involvement of local authorities in adoption and also suggested that almost any child was adoptable, even if disabled up to now only healthy white children had been seen as possible adoption material.
• The number of legal adoptions had risen in 1946 to over 21,000 but during the 1950s there were around 13,000 a year.

Child migrants
•The emigration of UK children to British colonies goes back several hundred years but in this context it is most relevant that in the 1950s and 1960s between 3,000-7,000 children were hipped to Australia and a combined total of over 1000 were sent to New Zealand, Rhodesia and Canada statistics are incredibly vague and for a long time the British Government denied the post-war programme had happened. The final party arrived in Australia in 1970.
• The reasoning behind this was that countries like Australia needed “good, white British stock” as opposed to the Italians and Greeks who were beginning to migrate there in large numbers in the 1950s. And for the children it was meant to be the chance for a better life.
• In Australia their treatment in large remote institutions in the 1950s is now particularly notorious and the Australian PM Kevin Rudd made a much-publicised apology for it in November 2009. Gordon Brown made a similar but much less publicised apology in February 2010.
• Most of the children involved were in children’s homes or foster care in the UK but in many instances their parents were still alive, if unable to care for them. Many parents were not told their children were being sent overseas; some were told their children had died or been adopted in the UK. Similarly many of the children were told their parents were dead only to find, 40 or 50 years later that they had not been.

The 1960s
• 1968 saw the peak number of adoptions in England and Wales over 24,800.
• Official statistics were never very detailed (minimal before the 2WW) but it appears that during the 1960s efforts were made to facilitate Black, mixed race and disabled children being adopted. Some of the adoption societies were completely unprepared to do this but others did so.
•Throughout this immediate post-war period almost 40% of children were adopted by one of their own natural parents. Just over 60% were adopted by other relatives and non-related people and over 90% of these non-parental adoptions involved illegitimate children.
• After 1968 a decline began in the number of illegitimate children offered for adoption as abortion and contraception became more available and as society’s attitudes to unmarried mothers changed. The stigma continued but limited levels of social security, childcare and housing were increasingly available so that more and more unmarried mothers could keep their children.

The 1970s
1972 the Houghton Committee reported on adoption. Its recommendations were incorporated in the Children Act 1975 and Adoption Act 1976.
•Aimed to ‘professionalise’ and regulate adoption work.
•This would be part of a “well-integrated and integrated childcare service” in which local authorities would be central.
•Adoption societies (still carrying out majority of stranger adoptions although already declining in influence as fewer babies available for adoption) would have to work closely with local authorities and would be subject to much more stringent approval criteria but those that were approved would have greater autonomy.  Indeed many small ones subsequently closed down but the survivors became large and professional.
• Other recommendations which were implemented included the introduction of “freeing a child for adoption”, if necessary by court order against parental wishes.
• And most famous and most controversial giving adopted adults in England and Wales the right to obtain a copy of their original birth certificate.

1980s onwards
• Rapid decline in adoption from the 1960s. By 1980 registered adoptions had more than halved (10,600) then halved again to 1998 (4,300). In the years since then it has gone up and down but the total is always between just over 4000 to just under 6000.
•In the 1950s over a third of adoptions involved babies by 1980 it was 24%, by 1998 4%. In 2011 it was 2%, but more children aged 1-4 years were being adopted (62% cf 34% in 1998).
• Decrease in available babies has changed the nature of adoption. Most adoptions are now about children being adopted out of local authority care.
•In 1952 these were only 3.2% of all adoptions;
•In 1968 they were 8.7%.
• In the 1990s they were a third or more of all adoptions.
• In 2011-12, 3,695 (3,450 in England and 245 in Wales) children were adopted from care out of the total 4,777 adoptions in England and Wales, (77.3% of the total).

The 1960s
• 1968 saw the peak number of adoptions in England and Wales over 24,800.
• Official statistics were never very detailed (minimal before the 2WW) but it appears that during the 1960s efforts were made to facilitate Black, mixed race and disabled children being adopted. Some of the adoption societies were completely unprepared to do this but others did so.
•Throughout this immediate post-war period almost 40% of children were adopted by one of their own natural parents. Just over 60% were adopted by other relatives and non-related people and over 90% of these non-parental adoptions involved illegitimate children.
• After 1968 a decline began in the number of illegitimate children offered for adoption as abortion and contraception became more available and as society’s attitudes to unmarried mothers changed. The stigma continued but limited levels of social security, childcare and housing were increasingly available so that more and more unmarried mothers could keep their children.

The 1970s
1972 the Houghton Committee reported on adoption. Its recommendations were incorporated in the Children Act 1975 and Adoption Act 1976.
•Aimed to ‘professionalise’ and regulate adoption work.
•This would be part of a “well-integrated and integrated childcare service” in which local authorities would be central.
•Adoption societies (still carrying out majority of stranger adoptions although already declining in influence as fewer babies available for adoption) would have to work closely with local authorities and would be subject to much more stringent approval criteria but those that were approved would have greater autonomy. Indeed many small ones subsequently closed down but the survivors became large and professional.
• Other recommendations which were implemented included the introduction of “freeing a child for adoption”, if necessary by court order against parental wishes.
• And most famous and most controversial giving adopted adults in England and Wales the right to obtain a copy of their original birth certificate.

1980s onwards
• Rapid decline in adoption from the 1960s. By 1980 registered adoptions had more than halved (10,600) – then halved again to 1998 (4,300). In the years since then it has gone up and down but the total is always between just over 4000 to just under 6000.
•In the 1950s over a third of adoptions involved babies by 1980 it was 24%, by 1998  4%. In 2011 it was 2%, but more children aged 1-4 years were being adopted (62% cf 34% in 1998).
• Decrease in available babies has changed the nature of adoption. Most adoptions are now about children being adopted out of local authority care.
•In 1952 these were only 3.2% of all adoptions;
•In 1968 they were 8.7%.
• In the 1990s they were a third or more of all adoptions.
• In 2011-12, 3,695 (3,450 in England and 245 in Wales) children were adopted from care out of the total 4,777 adoptions in England and Wales, (77.3% of the total).

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https://www.euronews.com/2023/07/04/chamber-of-horrors-remains-of-hundreds-of-babies-to-be-exhumed-from-mass-grave-in-ireland?fbclid=IwAR3IpjS3TFCache5Y0rgIFq3ovi9HYqsXNDg_s5Q_9TbTn4iVyMWSVIoGio

'Chamber of horrors': Remains of hundreds of babies to be exhumed from mass grave in Ireland
 By Rebekah Daunt   •  Updated: 04/07/2023

Ten years after a dark discovery was made in the west of Ireland, Euronews takes a look at the grim legacy of the maternity homes that were still in operation until the end of the 20th century.  Many parents might tell you that having a child is one of life's most fulfilling experiences. But for the thousands of single women who found themselves pregnant in 20th-century Ireland, the experience was deeply stigmatised and often shortlived.  Between 1922 and 1998, an estimated 90,000 unmarried, pregnant women were incarcerated in institutions called Mother and Baby Homes. Upon birth, the babies were handed over to the care of governing religious orders.  In 2012, Catherine Corless, a local historian from Tuam, County Galway, reported that she found death certificates for 796 babies and toddlers born in St Mary's Mother and Baby Home between 1926-1961. However, the burial records were missing.  Her research gained international media attention and sparked fears that these children were buried in a defunct sewerage system on the grounds of the Bon Secours Home.  Soon after, the Irish government launched an inquiry and an independent Commission (MBHC) into the Mother and Baby Homes.  Almost a decade later, Ireland's Minister for Children, Roderic O'Gorman, has finally appointed a former Red Cross envoy to oversee the exhumation of remains buried on the site.  So why were unmarried mothers ostracised in 20th-century Ireland and why has it taken so long for the site to be exhumed?

How did the Mother and Baby Homes come about?

"The Mother and Baby Home system and the migrant asylums which are connected to it were all actually inherited from the 19th Century" Lindsey Earner-Byrne, a Professor of Irish Gender History at University College Cork, told Euronews.

Ireland gained its independence from Britain in 1922 and the Catholic Church gained partial or in most cases, complete control of these institutions.  According to James Smith, a Professor of English and Irish studies at Boston College, in Massachusetts, the Catholic Church and the Irish Free State were the self-appointed guardians of the nation's moral climate.  At the time 94 per cent of the population was practising Catholics, therefore, the clergy's teachings on sexual immorality, and how women should behave in the eyes of the church, were hugely influential.  "In Ireland, there was a very strong sense of respectability, and that was associated with sexual morality. And, the idea that sex had no place outside marriage and certainly pregnancy had no place outside marriage."  Lindsey Earner-Byrne, Professor of Irish Gender History at University College Cork

There were huge ramifications for women who got pregnant outside of the wedding vow, even those who had pregnancies as a result of rape or incest. An unmarried pregnant daughter was thought to bring shame to an entire family, many left home or were sent away by their own parents.  While the Catholic Church maintained that these facilities provided a place of refuge for unmarried mothers, according to Earner-Byrne, these institutions admitted women "for a myriad of reasons". Ultimately this system of female incarceration was "dedicated to controlling female behaviour in lots of ways, not just in relation to motherhood, but all sorts of women," she said.

Most women were detained in the Mother and Baby Homes for six months to two years however in rare cases, detainees remained for extended periods. The MBHC found that a woman admitted to Bessbourgh House in Cork died in 1974 aged 81 while another woman died in the same facility in 1984, aged 80.  Those incarcerated were subjected to unpaid labour in the form of cleaning, laundry work, clothes and jewellery making.

Did the Mother and Baby Home system make money?

Once adoption was made legal in Ireland in 1953 almost all children born in the homes were put up for adoption. Others were transferred to industrial schools, some were later moved to Magdalene Laundries and other Mother and Baby Homes.  Some homes even demanded ransoms of £100 [approximately €4000 in 2023], from wealthier family members who pleaded for their daughters to be released back into their care after giving birth.  The laundry work, clothes-making and jewellery-making services provided by the inmates made the Mother and Baby Home scheme a lucrative business: "There were lots of ways in which it was a huge untapped labour force that had no rights and was not paid for the labour. So it's very, very hard to actually quantify the degree to which there was a financial benefit, but there was a huge financial benefit," Earner-Byrne said.

The MBHC also found that children at the institutions were used as participants in unethical vaccine trials.
 
Why were children experimented on?

Some 43,000 children were involved in vaccine trials in Ireland during the last century. Glaxo Laboratories and the Wellcome Foundation, two companies that became part of the tenth largest pharmaceutical company in the world, GlaxoSmithKline, were involved in these trials between 1934 and 1973. The Commission confirmed that at least 1,135 participants came from church-run institutions and more than 223 of these were from Mother and Baby Homes.  According to the MBHC, neither the mothers nor their children consented to the trials, in addition, many of the tests did not comply with regulatory standards and the necessary licenses were not in place.  "The independent researchers, as the individuals conducting the trials, were personally responsible for ensuring they were carried out with the licenses, permissions and consents required under Irish law and practice at the time," a GSK spokesperson told Euronews.

"We are disappointed that, based on the available evidence, there were failings in the conduct of the trials, particularly in the context of seeking and/or receiving appropriate consent."  GSK Spokesperson

Following the publication of the final Commission report, Minister O'Gorman promised that compensation would be provided to survivors and called on the Catholic Church and GSK to contribute but so far neither the church nor the pharmaceutical company have contributed to the scheme.  However, an Irish investigative platform, Noteworthy, discovered that several governing religious organisations made payments totalling €27 million to the State from 2016–2022.  "While the findings of the Commission's report are extremely upsetting, they do not question Wellcome or Glaxo's responsibilities and duties in developing, manufacturing and supplying vaccines for the purposes described. For this reason, we do not propose further reparations in response to the issues raised," the GSK spokesperson said.

Why has it taken so long for the Tuam site to be exhumed?

The MBHC was established on 17 February 2015. As part of the investigation, a number of excavations took place at the Tuam site between 2016 and 2017. The Commission discovered a large quantity of buried baby remains inside 20 chambers of a disused waste tank, carbon dating determined the bodies were buried while the home was still in operation.  The former Taoiseach of Ireland, Enda Kenny, described the site as a "chamber of horrors".  The Commission decided it would focus on 18 institutions around the country in its report, however, several support groups called for all burial sites connected to former State and church-run institutions to be examined.  In 2018, the Irish government announced it would facilitate a full excavation and exhumation of the Tuam site. After five interim reports, the Commission finally published its full report in 2021.  "I think we have to see this as a whole system of incarceration. So you had orphanages, Mother and Baby Homes, industrial schools and Magdalene Asylums. People were moved around within these institutions so, some generations were lost entirely to the system."  Lindsey Earner-Byrne, Professor of Irish Gender History at University College Cork

The report made international news and the Catholic Church faced fresh accusations of child neglect.  Some members of the government praised the findings of the six-year investigation for shedding more light on gender discrimination and a deeply misogynistic culture in Ireland. But many campaigners and survivors slammed the final report claiming it did not reflect the true experiences of many survivors and rejected a number of accounts in the final report.  The Irish High Court also found the Commission proceeded illegally in denying the survivors the same opportunity given to religious and State institutions to comment on the Commission's draft findings and subsequently breached the 2004 Commission of Investigation Act. Survivors also said the report lacked detail on forced incarceration, forced labour and forced adoptions. In February 2023, the Minister of Children published a five-point update stating the draft legislation to excavate the site was now "fully-operational" but it lacked clear deadlines which was met with criticism by some survivors and families.  After a director was appointed to oversee the excavation at Tuam in May, Catherine Corless said, she was optimistic that the director, Daniel Mac Sweeney, would do a thorough job and bring closure. However, survivor representatives and family members have said they doubt any progress would be made this year.  The Department of Children, Equality, Disability, Integration and Youth which will oversee the operation, said the director's first priority is to meet with relatives and survivors of the Tuam home.

Are there other mass graves?

There are several other burial sites around the country connected to former homes. While the government and Commission have called for the church to come forward with burial records they have struggled to gain access. The Catholic Church has stated that many records were lost or never existed in the first place.  In addition, legislation enabling someone in Ireland to register a stillbirth wasn't enacted until 1996, but it still wasn't mandatory.  "There were also challenges when it came to registering births in certain geographical areas so until the 50s and 60s there was a poor registration of births.  It was very difficult to know what they (the church) were doing and the fact that there was that grey area in the registration of births that resulted in death very shortly afterwards meant it was possible not to record them," Earner-Byrne said.

More than 900 children died in Bessborough Mother and Baby Home in Cork however the Commission was only able to establish the burial places of 64 children. For now, there are no plans to conduct excavations of the ground of Bessbourgh House, a decision which was met with outrage by survivors of the institution and campaigners.  However, the Planning and Development Act 2000 currently enables local authorities to protect potential burial sites from possible harmful development. In January 2023, Cork City Council refused planning to developers looking to build a €40 million apartment complex on the grounds of Bessborough House.

Redress for survivors

Following the report's publication, the Bon Secours Order issued an apology in January 2021, acknowledging it did not live up to its Christianity at the Tuam home.  "We failed to respect the inherent dignity of the women and children who came to the home. We failed to offer them the compassion that they so badly needed. We were part of the system in which they suffered hardship, loneliness and terrible hurt. We acknowledge that infants and children who died in the home were buried in a disrespectful and unacceptable way. For all that, we are deeply sorry."  Sister Eileen O'Connor, Congregation Area Leader, Sisters of Bon Secours

According to the Minister of Children in 2021, there were as many as 58,000 survivors, mothers and their children included, still living. However, many survivors are in the later years of their lives so this figure is dwindling.   As part of redress efforts, survivors will receive financial payment and an enhanced medical card, however, former residents must first prove they spent six months or more in an institution, meaning 24,000 could be excluded from the scheme if the terms are not revised.  There are several organisations that provide support to survivors and their families. Katie Doyle is a Magdalene Laundry and industrial school survivor who serves as a survivor liaison at the London Irish Centre.   "The reason why this service (the London Irish Centre's Survivor Service) is survivor-led is simply to bring a level of trust and support that you wouldn't find anywhere else." Katie Doyle, Survivor Liaison, London Irish Centre

"Anyone who has survived any of these institutions, has a deep understanding of the lived experiences of others, no matter what institution they resided in," she told Euronews.

"We unite, we resonate."

The London Irish Centre's survivor service includes a national response line to provide individuals with advice relating to the upcoming payment scheme. It also signposts service users to external agencies and provides a wide range of social and emotional support.  Katie added: "For the people who come to us, as soon as they know that both my colleague Séan and I have survivor backgrounds, they relax, they engage and more importantly, they trust.

"And that's a huge asset to this service. We need that level of trust to enable impactful service outcomes."

The Irish Government published the Mother and Baby Institutions Payment Scheme bill in October 2022, amendments to the bill were debated by the Seanad, the upper house of Parliament, and were referred back to the lower house (the Dáil) on 28 June 2023, where it is likely to be debated again.

10
https://eu.commercialappeal.com/story/life/2019/11/07/georgia-tann-adoption-scandal-before-and-after-lisa-wingate-judy-christie/4165494002/

'Before and After': Victims of Georgia Tann adoption scandal share stories in new book
Lyda Phillips  |  Chapter16.org

The horrors of the Tennessee Children’s Home Society Georgia Tann’s adoption mill that flourished in Memphis from 1924 until Tann’s death in 1950 are now well known. Less familiar, but equally heartbreaking, are the long searches many of those adoptees have made for their birth families. Co-authors Lisa Wingate and Judy Christie have collected some of those stories in "Before and After."  After reading Wingate’s 2017 novel based on Tann’s activities, "Before We Were Yours," Connie Wilson, one of the TCHS adoptees, emailed the author with a stunning idea: “Have you considered a reunion?”

Intrigued, Wingate pulled her friend and fellow author Christie into the project, and the three women began searching for Wilson’s fellow adoptees. “Piecing together stories of siblings who struggled for decades to find one another brings to my mind those movies where the hero absolutely, positively refuses to give up,” Christie writes.

Protected by Memphis politicians and judges, Tann ruthlessly swept up choice babies from the docks, streets and backwoods of Tennessee, Arkansas and Mississippi. TCHS sent more than 5,000 children to eager would-be parents from coast to coast, many of whom were too old or otherwise ineligible to adopt children through traditional routes. An additional 500 children are believed to have died of neglect and abuse in Tann’s custody.

Tann delivered these desirable white, preferably blond, babies and toddlers for prices estimated as high as $14,000 in today’s dollars. Satisfaction was guaranteed, with the right of return, as Edmund Smiley Burnette, one of four children adopted by Hollywood cowboy Smiley Burnette, tells Christie: “One time when she came, she had delivered a couple of kids to neighbors on the same street. Some people up the block got a good one. They adopted a second one who didn’t work out and sent him back.”

The stories in "Before and After" reveal how the operation’s tentacles stretched across the South, into local clinics and food kitchens. The child of an adoptee describes how in Johnson City, Tennessee, in 1943, her unwed grandmother struggled to keep her baby. But as months went by and her financial situation became more precarious, local doctors and social workers alerted Tann to a “very fine baby.” At eight months the baby was taken away and delivered to a wealthy couple in Knoxville, who named her Helen. The trauma of separation from her birth mother “scarred her for life,” Helen’s daughter says. “She passed that down to her kids.”

The quest for the truth led from hurt and doubt to answers, not all of them happy. Bess, for example, was 38 and her parents had died when she received a letter from the state of Tennessee asking for information about her adoption. “When I got that letter, it was such a shock. I had lived a lie. I wasn’t who I thought I was.  The first couple of months it affected me emotionally. I was sad. I was questioning. My aunts and uncles knew.”

She shook it off, however, and went on a search for her siblings. First, she found an older sister. When they met at the Nashville airport, “We went into each other’s arms.  I heard her whisper, ‘I love you.’ She and I are exactly alike.”

One by one, Bess found seven surviving siblings: three who were also adopted and four who stayed with their sharecropper mother in West Tennessee.  The quest for the truth led from hurt and doubt to answers, not all of them happy. Bess, for example, was 38 and her parents had died when she received a letter from the state of Tennessee asking for information about her adoption. “When I got that letter, it was such a shock. I had lived a lie. I wasn’t who I thought I was. The first couple of months it affected me emotionally. I was sad. I was questioning. My aunts and uncles knew.”

She shook it off, however, and went on a search for her siblings. First, she found an older sister. When they met at the Nashville airport, “We went into each other’s arms.  I heard her whisper, ‘I love you.’ She and I are exactly alike.”

One by one, Bess found seven surviving siblings: three who were also adopted and four who stayed with their sharecropper mother in West Tennessee.  These stories of children ground up in Tann’s machine are heartbreaking but ultimately satisfying. Some seized the book project and 2018 reunion in Memphis as a last chance to unravel the mysteries of their births, as well as to trade war stories and jokes about how much they had gone for on the baby market. After so long, these men and women could finally celebrate having survived and found their birth families through their own wits and determination, victims now victorious.

For more local book coverage, please visit Chapter16.org, an online publication of Humanities Tennessee.

11
Adoption Legislation / GE. Committee on the Rights of the Child
« on: June 04, 2023, 08:29:41 PM »
file:///C:/Users/pippa/Downloads/CRC_C_GBR_CO_6-7_52904_E.pdf

Committee on the Rights of the Child
Concluding observations on the combined sixth and seventh reports of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland*
I.   Introduction
1. The Committee considered the combined sixth and seventh reports of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland1 at its 2716th and 2717th meetings,2 held on 18 and 19 May 2023, and adopted the present concluding observations at its 2728th meeting, held on 26 May 2023.
2. The Committee welcomes the submission of the combined sixth and seventh reports of the State party, under the simplified reporting procedure, which allowed for a better understanding of the situation of children’s rights in the State party. The Committee expresses its appreciation for the constructive dialogue held with the delegation of the State party.
3. Where not otherwise stated, the present recommendations are addressed to the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, including the jurisdiction of England, and, where relevant mandates fall under their jurisdiction, to the governments of the devolved administrations in Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland and Overseas Territories and Crown Dependencies.

 Follow-up measures taken and progress achieved by the State party
4. The Committee welcomes the various measures to implement the Convention, including the prohibition of marriage under 18 years of age in England and Wales; the lowering of the voting age to 16 years in Wales; the prohibition of corporal punishment in Scotland and Jersey; the abolition of the defence of reasonable punishment in Wales; the passing of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (Incorporation)  (Scotland) Bill by the Scottish Parliament in 2021; the adoption of a Children and Young People’s Strategy and the establishment of a Youth Assembly in Northern Ireland; the extension of the Convention and its first and second Optional Protocols to Guernsey and Alderney; and the establishment of a Children’s Commissioner in Jersey. It also welcomes the ratification of the Council of Europe Conventions on protection of children against sexual exploitation and sexual abuse in 2018 and on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence in 2022.
* For adoption by the Committee at its ninety-third session (8–26 May 2023).
III.   III. Main areas of concern and recommendations
5. The Committee reminds the State party of the indivisibility and interdependence of all the rights enshrined in the Convention and emphasizes the importance of all the recommendations contained in the present concluding observations. The Committee would like to draw the State party’s attention to the recommendations concerning the following areas, in respect of which urgent measures must be taken: non-discrimination (para. 20), abuse, neglect and sexual exploitation and abuse (para. 33), children deprived of a family environment (para. 38), mental health (para. 43), asylum-seeking, refugee and migrant children (para. 50) and child justice (para. 54).
6. The Committee recommends that the State party ensure the realization of children’s rights in accordance with the Convention, the Optional Protocol on the involvement of children in armed conflict and the Optional Protocol on the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography, throughout the process of implementing the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. It urges the State party to ensure the meaningful participation of children in the design and implementation of policies and programmes aimed at achieving all 17 Sustainable Development Goals as far as they concern children.

IV.   A. General measures of implementation (arts. 4, 42 and 44 (6))
V.   
Reservations
VI.   
7. The Committee reiterates its previous recommendations3 and urges relevant Overseas Territories and Crown Dependencies of the State party to consider withdrawing their reservations to articles 22, 32 and 37 (c) of the Convention.
VII.   
Legislation
VIII.   
8. The Committee recommends that the State party:
(a) Strengthen efforts to fully incorporate the Convention into national legislation in England, Wales, Northern Ireland, the Overseas Territories and the Crown Dependencies, and conduct a comprehensive review of all legislation to align it with the Convention and address any inconsistencies;
(b) Expeditiously bring forward the amendments necessary to enact the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (Incorporation) (Scotland) Bill in Scotland;
(c) Reconsider its decision to replace the Human Rights Act and ensure that any revision to the act protects all the rights of the child in the Convention, provides effective judicial remedies, ensures a child rights-based approach, and follows transparent and participatory processes, including by ensuring the meaningful participation of civil society and children and publishing the impact assessment of the Bill of Rights;
(d) Enact a bill of rights for Northern Ireland;
(e) Develop mandatory child-rights impact assessment procedures for legislation and policies relevant to children in England, Northern Ireland and Wales;
(f) Assess the impact of the State party’s withdrawal from the European Union on the enjoyment of children’s rights.

 Comprehensive policy and strategy

9. Noting with appreciation the adoption of action plans on children in the Overseas Territories, the Committee recommends that the State party:
(a) Develop and adopt comprehensive policies and action plans on the implementation of the Convention, with the participation of children, in all jurisdictions of the State party, Overseas Territories and Crown Dependencies that encompass all areas covered by the Convention and include specific time-bound and measurable goals;
(b) Ensure the effective implementation of policies and action plans on children, and ensure that they are supported by sufficient human, technical and financial resources;
(c) Ensure that the action plans include a special focus on children in disadvantaged situations, including asylum-seeking, refugee and migrant children, children belonging to minority groups, children with disabilities, children in care, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex children, socioeconomically disadvantaged children and so-called “young carers” or children with caregiver responsibilities.

Coordination

10. Recalling its previous recommendations,4 the Committee recommends that the State party establish structures, such as a ministerial lead at the national level with corresponding structures in the devolved administrations and territories, responsible for ensuring the effective monitoring and coordination of all activities related to the implementation of the Convention across all sectors and at all levels.

Allocation of resources

11. The Committee recommends that the State party incorporate a child rights- based approach into the State budgeting process in all jurisdictions of the State party, the Overseas Territories and Crown Dependencies, and:
(a) Implement a tracking system for the allocation, use and monitoring of resources for children, with a view to eliminating disparities and ensuring equitability, and assess how investments in all sectors serve the best interests of children;
(b) Introduce budgetary allocations for children in disadvantaged situations and ensure that children are not affected by austerity measures;
(c) Ensure that, in situations of economic crisis, regressive measures are not taken without the requirements stated in paragraph 31 of general comment No. 19 on public budgeting for the realization of children ́s rights, including that children participate in the decision-making process related to such measures;
(d) Withdraw the 2023/24 budget for Northern Ireland and fully consider the equality and human rights implications of a new budget, taking all possible steps to mitigate any adverse impact on children’s rights before issuing a revised budget;
(e) Ensure transparent and participatory budgeting in which civil society, the public and children can participate effectively.

Data collection

12. Recognizing the large body of data available on children’s rights, the Committee recommends that the State party:
(a) Strengthen its data-collection system with regard to both qualitative and quantitative indicators that encompasses all areas of the Convention, and ensure that the data are disaggregated by age, sex, disability, geographical location, ethnic origin, nationality and socioeconomic background;
(b) Improve the collection and analysis of data, including in the Overseas Territories, on violence against children, mental health, food insecurity, malnutrition, education and the situation of children in disadvantaged situations, including children in alternative care, children with disabilities, asylum-seeking and migrant children, and children of incarcerated parents;
(c) Regularly collect, analyse and publish disaggregated data on the use of stop-and-search checks, harmful devices, seclusion, restraint, solitary confinement and isolation on children;
(d) Allocate sufficient resources for the piloting of an administrative data-based system on children in the Overseas Territories;
(e) Ensure that the data are shared among devolved administrations and Overseas Territories as well as among relevant ministries, professional groups and civil society and used for the evaluation of policies and projects on children’s rights. Independent monitoring

13. The Committee recommends that the State party:
(a) Ensure that the national human rights institutions and/or Children’s Commissioners, as relevant, have the mandate and sufficient human, financial and technical resources to monitor children’s rights and to receive, investigate and address complaints by children in a child-friendly manner;
(b) Continue to ensure the full compliance of all such institutions with the Paris Principles, including regarding their funding and selection and appointment processes.

Dissemination, awareness-raising and training

14. Noting with concern the relatively low level of knowledge of the Convention among children and adults, the Committee recommends that the State party:
(a) Adopt a national strategy for awareness-raising of children’s rights among the public, and promote the active involvement of children in public outreach activities;
(b) Ensure systematic training on children’s rights, the Convention and the Optional Protocols thereto for all professionals working for and with children, in particular those working in education, social work, law enforcement, immigration and justice.

International cooperation

15. The Committee commends the State party for its commitment to meet the internationally agreed target of allocating 0.7 per cent of gross national income to official development assistance. Recalling target 17.2 of the Sustainable Development Goals, the Committee encourages the State party to regain the target as soon as possible and adopt a children’s rights-based approach in respect of its trade agreements and development aid policy and programmes.

Children’s rights and the business sector

16. The Committee recommends that the State party:
(a) Ensure the legal accountability of business enterprises and their subsidiaries operating in or managed from the State party’s territory in relation to international and national human rights, labour, environmental and other standards;
(b) Require companies to undertake assessments of, consultations on and full public disclosure of the environmental, health-related and children’s rights impacts of their business activities and their plans to address such impacts.

Access to justice and remedies 17. The Committee recommends that the State party ensure that all children have access to:
(a) Confidential, child-friendly and independent complaints mechanisms in schools, alternative care settings, foster care systems, mental health settings and detention for reporting all forms of violence, abuse, discrimination and other violations of their rights, and raise awareness among children of their right to file a complaint under existing mechanisms;
(b) Legal support and representations and remedies, including by removing barriers faced by children in disadvantaged situations and expanding the types of support provided under the legal aid budget;
(c) Officials working with children in the justice system who have been adequately trained on children’s rights and child-friendly proceedings.

B. Definition of the child (art. 1)

18. The Committee is concerned that children who are 16 and 17 years of age do not always receive protection as children, and that marriage under 18 years of age remains permissible in Scotland, Northern Ireland, the Overseas Territories and the Crown Dependencies of Guernsey and the Isle of Man. In particular, the Committee is concerned about the information provided during the dialogue that Saint Helena does not plan to raise the minimum age of marriage to 18 years without exception. The Committee recommends that the State party:
(a) Ensure that all children, including those who are 16 and 17 years of age, are defined as children in law and receive protection as children in practice, including by undertaking a review of age-based legislation throughout all jurisdictions of the State party;
(b) Prohibit all marriages under 18 years of age, without exception, in Scotland, Northern Ireland and all Overseas Territories and the Crown Dependencies of Guernsey and the Isle of Man.

C. General principles (arts. 2–3, 6 and 12)

Non-discrimination

19. The Committee remains deeply concerned about persistent discrimination, such as through expressions of racism and bullying, against children in disadvantaged situations, including children belonging to minority groups and lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender children; insufficient progress in ensuring protection of all children under 18 years of age against discrimination on the grounds of their age; and the overrepresentation of children of Asian and African descent, Muslim, Roma, Gypsy and Traveller children in the criminal justice system and the large proportion of these groups of children who are living in poverty.

20. The Committee reiterates its previous recommendations5 and urges the State party to:
(a) Implement targeted policies and programmes to combat racist and xenophobic activities and to eliminate discrimination against children in disadvantaged situations, including children belonging to ethnic minority groups, asylum-seeking, refugee and migrant children, Roma, Gypsy and Traveller children, children with disabilities, children in alternative care, children of incarcerated parents, children of unmarried parents, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex children, socioeconomically disadvantaged children, and children in the justice system;
(b) Establish clear avenues for children to seek justice in cases of discrimination, and, where appropriate, ensure the access of children in disadvantaged situations to health services, education and a decent standard of living;
(c) Conduct media campaigns to change social norms and behaviours that contribute to discrimination, raise public awareness of the prohibition of discrimination, and promote tolerance and respect for diversity;
(d) Encourage the reporting of hate crimes against children; investigate and prosecute cases of racially, ethnically and religiously motivated crime; punish perpetrators with commensurate sanctions; and provide adequate compensation to the victims, as appropriate;
(e) Ensure that children who experience discrimination, bullying or harassment in relation to their sexual orientation or gender identity receive protection and support, including through targeted anti-bullying measures;
(f) Take legislative and other measures to ensure the protection of all children below 18 years of age from discrimination on the grounds of their age, particularly in England and Northern Ireland; address discriminatory stereotypes against children;
and promote a positive image of children as rights-holders;
(g) Implement the “Inclusive Britain” recommendations that would help to address discrimination against children;
(h) Evaluate, with the participation of children and civil society, existing measures aimed at combating discrimination against children in disadvantaged situations, to assess their impact and revise the measures accordingly.

Best interests of the child

21. Noting with concern that the principle of the best interests of the child is not systematically applied in all matters affecting children, the Committee recalls its previous recommendations6 and recommends that the State party:
(a) Ensure that the principle of the best interests of the child is consistently applied in all policies, programmes and legislative, administrative and judicial proceedings affecting children, including in relation to placement in alternative care, domestic violence, custody, trafficking, child justice, migration and asylum procedures;
(b) Strengthen the capacity of all relevant professionals for assessing and determining the best interests of the child and for giving it due weight as a primary consideration;
(c) Take measures to develop and implement a tool for the purpose of Child Rights Impact Assessments throughout the State party.

Right to life, survival and development

22. The Committee recommends that the State party:
(a) Urgently reduce infant and child mortality rates, including the reportedly high rates among boys in the Overseas Territories, and address the underlying determinants especially poverty, discrimination and disability;
(b) Conduct an independent inquiry into the unexpected deaths of children in alternative care, custody, mental health care and the military, and ensure the regular collection and publication of disaggregated data on child deaths in all institutional settings;
(c) Address the high rate of avoidable child deaths and strengthen efforts to prevent suicide and self-harming behaviours among children, including children in care, custody, health settings and immigration detention;
(d) Undertake effective and urgent measures to repatriate children who are nationals of the State party from camps in the Syrian Arab Republic.

Respect for the views of the child

23. Noting with concern that children’s views are not systematically taken into account in decisions affecting them and in national and local decision-making, and underscoring the importance of the availability of age-appropriate information to facilitate child participation, the Committee recommends that the State party:
(a) Ensure the right of all children, including younger children, children with disabilities and children in care, to express their views and to have them taken into account in all decisions affecting them, including in courts and relevant judicial proceedings and regarding domestic violence, custody, placement in alternative care, health, including mental health treatment, education, justice, migration and asylum;
(b) Strengthen measures to promote the meaningful participation of children in family, community and school settings, and in policymaking at local and national levels, including on so-called “reserved matters”, and develop mechanisms to ensure that the outcomes of children’s and youth parliaments are systematically fed into public decision-making;
(c) Ensure that all relevant professionals working with and for children systematically receive appropriate training on the right of the child to be heard and to have his or her opinions taken into account;
(d) Consider holding consultations with children and civil society in England and Northern Ireland on lowering the voting age to 16 years.
D. Civil rights and freedoms (arts. 7–8 and 13–17)

Nationality

24. The Committee is deeply concerned that children and their families can be deprived of their nationality without notice under the Nationality and Borders Act of 2022, which also retroactively validated deprivation decisions already made but found unlawful by courts. The Committee urges the State party to:
(a) Remove legal and administrative barriers and strengthen legal pathways for all children, including children without a regular residence status, children born in the Overseas Territories and children in care, to acquire residence status and nationality, including by simplifying procedures and waiving high fees for all children in need;
(b) Amend the Nationality and Borders Act of 2022 to ensure that the best interests of the child are taken as a primary consideration in all proceedings related to deprivation of nationality, that the act is not applied to any children who would be put at risk of statelessness or would otherwise be stateless, and that citizens are not deprived of their citizenship as a result of actions they allegedly committed as children.

Right to identity

25. Noting the decision taken by the State party to prevent the implementation of the Gender Recognition Reform (Scotland) Bill, the Committee recommends that the Stateparty recognize the right to identity of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex children, and put in place measures to ensure that all adolescents enjoy their freedom of expression and respect for their physical and psychological integrity, gender identity and emerging autonomy. In this context, the State party should ensure that any decisions regarding systems of gender recognition for children are taken in close consultation with transgender children and in line with children’s rights, including the right to be heard and the right to identity, in accordance with their evolving capacities, to free and informed consent and with appropriate safeguards.

Freedom of expression and religion

26. The Committee is deeply concerned about the chilling effect of counter-terrorism measures on the right of children to freedom of expression, and that nearly half of referrals under the Prevent Strategy are Muslim children and children of Asian descent. Recalling its previous recommendations,7 the Committee urges the State party to guarantee the right of all children to freedom of expression and to practise freely their religion or belief, including by:
(a) Immediately halting the targeting of certain groups of children in counter-terrorism measures, including through mandatory training of teachers, police and other relevant professional groups on the prohibition of discrimination and the right of children to freedom of expression and religion;
(b) Continuing to assess the impact of the Prevent Strategy on children’s rights, and regularly collect and publish data, disaggregated by age, ethnicity and religious affiliation, on children referred to the authorities under the Prevent Strategy, with a view to ending the discriminatory, racial and stigmatizing impact of such measures on children belonging to minority groups;
(c) Ensuring that counter-terrorism measures do not undermine children’s rights to freedom of expression, opinion and religion, and that children can exercise these rights without threats or intimidation;
(d) Repealing legal provisions for compulsory attendance in collective worship and establishing statutory guidance to ensure the right of all children, including children under 16 years of age, to withdraw from religious classes without parental consent;
(e) Preventing the use of religion as a selection criterion for school admissions in England and revising the religious education syllabus in Northern Ireland to include education on and respect for a diversity of religions.

Freedom of association and peaceful assembly

27. Noting with concern that the Police Crime Sentencing and Courts Act 2022 and the Public Order Bill may restrict a child’s right to freedom of association and peaceful assembly, the Committee recommends that the State party:
(a) Strengthen children’s right to freedom of association and peaceful assembly, including by repealing measures in the Police Crime Sentencing and Courts Act 2022 and removing provisions in the Public Order Bill which limit children’s rights to participate in protests;
(b) Strengthen measures to prevent the use of acoustic devices to disperse public gatherings of children (so-called “mosquito devices”), in line with the Committee’s previous recommendations;8
(c) Ensure that children are not threatened for exercising their right to freedom of association and peaceful assembly, including for their involvement in climate activism.

Right to privacy

28. The Committee remains concerned about the continued use of unnecessary stop-and-search checks on children, and that the majority of them are conducted on children belonging to ethnic minority groups. Recalling its previous recommendations, the  Committee urges the State party to:
(a) Effectively enforce the prohibition of the use of non-statutory stop-and-search checks against children, prohibit their use in Northern Ireland, and remove provisions from the Public Order Bill that ease restrictions on their use;
(b) Ensure that their statutory use is proportionate and non-discriminatory, including by implementing the best use of stop-and-search scheme, and conducting mandatory training for law enforcement officials;
(c) Improve the monitoring of the use of stop-and-search checks on children, including through the collection and publication of related data, and investigate all allegations of their disproportionate or discriminatory use on children.

Access to appropriate information

29. The Committee notes with appreciation the measures taken to improve digital inclusion for children in disadvantaged situations, including during the Covid-19 pandemic. Recalling its general comment No. 25 (2021) on children’s rights in relation to the digital environment, the Committee recommends that the State party:
(a) Continue to improve digital inclusion for children in disadvantaged situations and in the Overseas Territories, including through accessible and affordable online services and connectivity, while ensuring that public services remain accessible to children who do not use or have access to digital technologies;
(b) Adopt the Online Safety Bill and ensure that all laws and policies on the digital environment protect the rights, privacy and safety of children in the digital environment and from harmful content and online risks;
(c) Enhance the digital literacy and skills of children, parents, caregivers and teachers, including by incorporating digital literacy into school curricula.
E. Violence against children (arts. 19, 24 (3), 28 (2), 34, 37 (a) and 39)

Torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment

30. The Committee notes with appreciation the information provided by the State party on the regulations governing the use of electrical discharge weapons, pain-inducing techniques and seclusion on children, but remains deeply concerned at the large number of children who continue to experience such treatment, particularly children belonging to ethnic minority groups and children with disabilities. The Committee reiterates its previous recommendations10 and urges the State party to:
(a) Take legislative measures to explicitly prohibit, without exception, the use of: (i) harmful devices including spit hoods, tasers, plastic bullets, attenuating energy projectiles and other electrical discharge weapons against children; (ii) strip searches on children; and (iii) solitary confinement, isolation, seclusion and restraint as disciplinary measures in schools and alternative care and health settings;
(b) Develop statutory guidance on the use of restraint on children to ensure it is used only as a measure of last resort and exclusively to prevent harm to the child or others, and monitor its implementation;
(c) Investigate all cases of abuse and maltreatment of children in alternative care and health settings, particularly among children with disabilities, adequately
sanction perpetrators and provide reparation to victims.

12
Changes in the Law / Adopting social media in adoption law
« on: May 31, 2023, 07:11:20 PM »
https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/parenting4digitalfuture/2022/06/01/adoption/

Adopting social media in adoption law

Stacey Steinberg
Karla Herrera
Meredith Burgess
June 1st, 2022

Social media has changed how families talk about adoption. Many hopeful adoptive parents turn to social media to find children available for adoption. Birth mothers may use social media to match with an adoption agency. And children of adoptive families often use social media to acquaint themselves with their birth parents and birth siblings. Despite the considerable influence social media has played in the lives of adoptive families, the intersection of adoption law and social media has gone largely unregulated. For www.parenting.digital, Stacey Steinberg, Karla Herrera and Meredith Burgess discuss their forthcoming article and the impact of social media on adoption law.

In order to understand the role of social media in adoption law, one first must explore how social media has impacted family life more generally. While most privacy laws in the United States focus on conflicts between individuals and those living outside the family unit, there are few laws that govern how individuals particularly children within a family unit can have privacy separate and apart from one another particularly their parents. This is generally due to principles of family autonomy and the belief that parents will generally act in a manner that is in the best interests of their own children. Other countries, particularly those in the European Union, recognize that children have rights to privacy that at times stand apart from their parents. This recognition is reflected in section VI E of Comment 25 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child.

In the United States, parents of children in foster care retain many rights even when children are placed in the state’s custody. For example, in Florida, parents whose children have been removed from their care due to abuse or neglect are generally required consent before a child receives psychotropic medications and must be invited to participate in special education meetings at the child’s public school. However, when the state has custody of these same children, there are other rights that revert to the state to control. For example, parents of children in foster care (in Florida) do not retain the right to regulate how their children use social media or how their children are shared online by others.

Many states often permit foster parents to post pictures of foster children online. The stated reasoning for this practice is that it can alleviate awkward situations such as when a blended family (comprised both of birth children and foster children) take trips and a photograph is taken of the children all together.  In many states, photos such as these could be posted on social media without obscuring the faces of the foster children. These laws place foster parents in control of day-to-day decision-making regarding how children use social media and how others view “their” foster children online.

Interestingly, many of the rules in the United States regarding posting pictures of foster children mimic the practices for posting pictures of adoptive children. The foster parents of foster children can dictate how the child uses social media and can post pictures of the child online with the general exception that they usually cannot post the child’s name online. The adoptive parents of adoptive children after the adoption is finalized can dictate how the child uses social media, can post pictures of the child online and include the adoptive child’s name. In the United States, we regularly see photos taken on adoption day reflecting the number of days the child spent in foster care and the date of adoption. These photos often include the child’s name. While I am not familiar with a case directly on point, U.S. courts would likely not permit adoptive parents to post the names of the birth parents unless expressly authorized to do so by the birth parents.

As adoptions continue to move online, policy makers must consider not only the relationships between birth parents, adoptive parents, and children, but the important relationships children have outside of the parent-child dynamic. These relationships are rarely protected by law, often at great cost to children. For example, in many states, siblings do not have standing to challenge the adoption of each other, even if this means that all contact between the siblings will cease.

In their article, The New Law of the Child, Dean Laura Rosenbury and Professor Anne Dailey argue for an expansion of the legal understanding of children’s rights beyond the scope of dependency and autonomy. Ideally, these rights would go “beyond acknowledging relationships of authority to encompass children’s nonhierarchical relationships with siblings, other children, and nonparental adults.” As children grow up and access social media, birth siblings may find ways to connect online. Instead of ignoring this reality, adoptive families and courts could prepare for these relationships and include references to birth sibling contact in post-adoption agreements.

We hope that our forthcoming paper Adopting Social Media in Adoption Law offers a comprehensive overview of the impact of social media on adoption law, that it suggests novel questions for family law and internet scholars to study, and that it offers solutions for policy makers to consider as they seek out ways to improve outcomes for parents and children impacted by foster care and adoption. The article encourages lawmakers to ensure children have agency within their adoptive families to “preserve his or her identity, including nationality, name and family relations” as called for in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child.  This article could offer practitioners guidance that reflects the changing landscape facing families brought together by adoption and encourage adoptive parents to consider the rights of children and birth parents during adoption finalization proceedings.

We welcome comments as we continue to explore these issues.

Notes

The blog contains excerpts from a forthcoming article by Stacey Steinberg (UF Law Professor, Karla Herrera (UF Law student) and Meredith Burgess (UF Law student) on Adopting Social Media in Adoption Law,  Utah Law Review (forthcoming 2023).

First published at www.parenting.digital, this post represents the views of the authors and not the position of the Parenting for a Digital Future blog, nor of the London School of Economics and Political Science.

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https://www.mirror.co.uk/news/us-news/dad-drugs-rapes-daughter-met-29936774?utm_source=mirror_newsletter&utm_campaign=daily_evening_newsletter2&utm_medium=email

Dad 'drugs and rapes daughter when they meet for first time after her adoption'

Ronald Antinore, 53, made contact over social media with his daughter in August, 2021 before agreeing to meet up with at Clarion Inn & Suites in Clearwater Beach in Florida, US

By Liam BucklerUS News Reporter, Chris Murphy & Joseph Wilkes

12:48, 10 May 2023

A daughter who tracked down her biological dad for a long-awaited emotional reunion was drugged and raped by him just hours later, police said.  Ronald Antinore, 53, who is the co-host of an online food review program and also works as a professional wrestling manager under the name of 'Ron Ratcatcher', made contact over social media with his daughter in August, 2021.  They agreed to meet up at Clarion Inn & Suites in the city of Clearwater Beach in Florida, US.  The daughter, who had been “given up for adoption as an infant” by Antimore, travelled to meet him “after learning of his identity and connecting with him on social media platforms,” according to court filings.

After the two got in touch, she reportedly travelled to Pinellas County, Florida State, to meet Antinore and spend the day together.  The arrest documents allege they had spent the day together and “consumed alcoholic beverages” throughout, before returning to returning to a hotel room at the Clarion Inn and Suites Central that Antinore had booked for the woman.  When they got inside, they both took LSD, after which Antinore forced himself onto her, according to police records.  It is claimed she told investigators she had become “physically unable to resist” Antinore, who engaged in a series of sexual acts while “she was laying on the bed,” according to a criminal complaint.

The victim reportedly could not resist at first, but after the substance's effects began to wear off, she was able to jump off the bed and lock herself in the bathroom.

She then called her boyfriend, who immediately dialled the hotel and the police department and demanded immediate assistance for the victim, upon hearing what had happened.

She is said to have become “able to flee from the bed to the bathroom where she immediately contacted her boyfriend and told him what had happened.”

He in turn called the hotel and demanded they send him to the room.  Antinore reportedly fled the hotel after a private security guard came to the room and made contact with him.  There has been a considerable passing of time, some 21 months, between the alleged attack and arrest, but it has not yet been made public.  According to the criminal complaints, on May 1, police were able to arrest Ronald Antinore, 53.  After an investigation, they charged him with assaulting the woman.  Antimore made "incriminating statements as to what had taken place between himself and the victim" at the time of his arrest.  He was placed in custody and charged with sexual battery, incest, and possession of drug paraphernalia on Monday, May 1.  A major alert to police forces in the state led to officers in Clearwater to find him and take him into custody.  He was booked into Pinellas County Jail on a $302,150 (GBP 239,221) bond. He has pleaded not guilty, and is currently awaiting trial.  The judge ordered him to have no contact with the woman.  The Smoking Gun reports that according to his social media accounts, Antinore owns a restaurant consulting business and co-hosts an online food review program using the name Johnny Hops.  He also worked as a “professional wrestling manager” under the name Ron Ratcatcher.  The man now faces a court trial charged with incest and battery charges.D

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https://www.theguardian.com/society/2023/apr/25/uk-government-under-pressure-formally-apologise-forced-adoption-labour-wales

UK government under pressure to formally apologise for forced adoption

Spotlight on Westminster after Labour-led Welsh administration says sorry to mothers coerced into giving away children

UK ministers are under renewed pressure to formally apologise for the practice of forced adoption after the Labour-led Welsh administration said sorry to mothers coerced into giving away children.  Julie Morgan, the deputy minister for social services in Wales, said on Tuesday in the Senedd that the whole of the Welsh government was “truly sorry” for the cruelty of forced adoptions.  The move, which follows the Scottish government’s apology last month, was welcomed by campaigners who called for the UK government to follow suit for England.  Morgan said: “Regardless of the societal pressures or social norms of the day, such cruelty should never be an acceptable part of our society in Wales. I would like to convey my deepest sympathy and regret to all affected, that due to society failing you, you had to endure such appalling historical practices in Wales. For this, the whole of the Welsh government is truly sorry.”

She continued: “I know the effects of forced adoption and forced family separation are still very much part of the lives of the many people involved. The impacts are diverse and long-lasting, not only for the women separated from a child by adoption, but also for the adult sons and daughters who were adopted as babies, and their extended family members. I want to acknowledge the fathers’ experiences when it comes to these historical practices too.  Many still find it extremely difficult to open up and talk about the lifelong heartbreak they have bottled up for fear of still being judged. The feelings of loss, grief, anger and pain remain.”

Between 1949 and 1976 in England and Wales, an estimated 185,000 children were taken from unmarried mothers and adopted. Last year, the UK parliament’s joint committee on human rights published a report on the issue and called on the UK government to formally apologise, arguing it bore ultimate responsibility for the pain and suffering caused by public institutions and state employees that railroaded mothers into unwanted adoptions.  The UK government said it was sorry to all those affected, adding: “We are sorry on behalf of society for what happened.”

But it did not formally apologise.  Forced adoption practices predate devolution in Wales, but the Labour-led government decided to apologise because of the “lasting legacy” on all those involved.  Asked if the UK government should also formally apologise, Morgan said: “The UK government makes its own decisions. They have said they are not making a formal apology. That’s their decision.”

Veronica Smith, the founder of the Movement for an Adoption Apology, called for the UK government to follow the example of the Welsh and Scottish governments. She said: “I think it’s an embarrassment for them. They’ll look daft if they don’t follow suit.”

The Welsh government welcomed people affected by the practice to the Senedd on Tuesday evening, among them Anne Jones, from north Wales, who was adopted as a baby in the 1950s after she was born out of marriage. She said one of the things she regretted was being “robbed” of the Welsh language, and she urged the UK government to apologise.  The former MP and Labour health minister Ann Keen, who was forced to give up her baby in south Wales when she was 17, also called for the UK government to apologise.  She said: “Today is so important to me and my son. I was always told his adoption was for the best. Sadly this was not the case. It was horrible, shameful, and left me grieving and feeling unable to talk to anyone. I was forced to live a life that remained a secret.”

Keen added: “We really need the UK government to follow. Mums and children need to hear it. We aren’t asking from compensation. I hope the UK government changes their mind. The words help.”

She became a nurse to provide the dignity and justice she feels was denied her before being elected to parliament. “But the feeling of deep shame has stayed with me,” she said.

“I later experienced so much joy when I was reunited with my wonderful son. Today, as a Welsh woman sitting in the Welsh parliament, not far from where my son was born in Swansea, I feel empowered and that my name has been cleared. I did not ‘give him up’. He was taken from me.”

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https://www.gov.wales/people-affected-historic-adoption-practices-welcomed-senedd-welsh-government-apology

People affected by historic adoption practices welcomed to Senedd for Welsh Government apology

People affected by the historical practice of forced adoption have been welcomed to the Senedd by the Deputy Minister for Social Services, Julie Morgan, for an apology on behalf of the Welsh Government for the societal failures that led to these historical practices.

First published:  25 April 2023

The Deputy Minister invited some of those affected to meet with her following a previous personal apology and acknowledgement of the experiences and lifelong impact for all those affected by such practices in Wales.  It also comes after the Joint Committee on Human Rights published its recommendations following an inquiry to understand the experiences of unmarried women and their children who were adopted between 1949 and 1976 in England and Wales, and the impact on their human rights as we understand them now.  Forced adoption practices predate devolution in Wales, but they have a lasting legacy on all those who experienced them.  The historical practices resulted in many women being coerced into giving up their babies as they were judged by the morality of society at that time.  Deputy Minister for Social Services Julie Morgan, who delivered the official apology in the Senedd chamber before meeting with people affected, said:  'I know the effects of forced adoption and forced family separation are still very much part of the lives of the many people involved.  The impacts are diverse and long-lasting, not only for the women separated from a child by adoption, but also for the adult sons and daughters who were adopted as babies, and their extended family members. I want to acknowledge the father's experiences when it comes to these historical practices too.  Many still find it extremely difficult to open-up and talk about the life-long heartbreak they have bottled up for fear of still being judged.  The feelings of loss, grief, anger and pain remain.  Regardless of the societal pressures or social norms of the day, such cruelty should never be an acceptable part of our society in Wales.  I would like to convey my deepest sympathy and regret to all affected, that due to society failing you, you had to endure such appalling historical practices in Wales for this the whole of the Welsh Government is truly sorry.'

Former Labour Health Minister Ann Lloyd Keen was one of the people affected by forced adoption who attended the Senedd.  She said:  'Today is so important to me and my son. I was always told his adoption was ‘for the best’. Sadly this was not the case. It was horrible, shameful, and left me grieving and feeling unable to talk to anyone. I was forced to live a life that remained a secret.  I made the decision to become a registered nurse to provide the sort of dignity and social justice to patients that was denied to me when I was at my most vulnerable.  I later had the privilege of being elected a Labour MP and a Health Minister, but the feeling of deep shame has stayed with me. I later experienced so much joy when I was reunited with my wonderful son.  Today, as a Welsh woman sitting in the Welsh Parliament, not far from where my son was born in Swansea, I feel empowered and that my name has been cleared. I did not ‘give him up’. He was taken from me.'

Julie Morgan added:  'We cannot change what has happened, but I can provide assurances that adoption legislation and practices have been significantly strengthened since.  We are already working alongside the National Adoption Service to consider the issues outlined within the Joint Committee’s report and develop support services which will address the specific needs of those affected by forced adoption and forced family separation.  As we face future challenges, we will remember the lessons of family separation and will have due regard to continuing to protect the fundamental rights of children and the importance of their right to be cared for by a parent.'

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